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Bangladesh: What’s next?

We have shed blood for this country, now we need to pledge our loyalty

 

Update : 14 Aug 2025, 05:35 PM

Bangladesh stands at a moment of profound transformation. After years of suppressed dissent and deepening authoritarianism, the people rose -- unarmed, unbroken, and united -- in the summer of 2024. What followed was a remarkable resurgence of civic will, culminating in the formation of a reformoriented Interim Government led by Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus.

This moment of transition is both rare and consequential. A nation that has endured so much pain and lost promise must now ask itself: What comes next?

Expectations Betrayed: 1947–1971

In 1947, East Bengal voted overwhelmingly for Pakistan, dreaming of emancipation -- from colonial rule and the tyranny of a feudal elite. But the dream soured quickly. The new rulers from West Pakistan inherited the same extractive machinery of the British and used it against their fellow Bengalis -- denying East Pakistan its fair share of power, resources, and dignity.

In this climate of injustice, a charismatic leader emerged in the mid-sixties: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman- later hailed as Bangabandhu. His undaunted campaign for democracy and parity between the two wings of Pakistan, enduring years of incarceration,  electrified the people and forced the regime to hold elections. The Awami League’s landslide victory in 1970 raised hopes -- but these were dashed when the Pakistani military refused to hand over power to a Bengalee leader.

On March 7, 1971, Mujib delivered a historic speech calling for non-stop civil disobedience. In a brutal response, on  the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistan army launched Operation Searchlight, beginning a campaign of unspeakable violence -- a genocide of unprecedented scale. In a moment of crisis, Mujib -- despite advice from senior Awami League leaders and Bengali army officers -- hesitated to declare independence. He was soon transported to Pakistan under murky circumstances, leaving the nation leaderless.

 In that moment of vacuum, Major Ziaur Rahman courageously declared independence on behalf of Mujib over the radio -- igniting the Liberation War.The war lasted nine harrowing months, ending in victory on December 16, 1971 -- at the cost of three million lives. Major Zia, initially unknown, became a symbol of quiet resolve and national pride.

From liberation to tyranny: 1972–1975

Sheikh Mujib returned on January 10, 1972 to a jubilant, free nation. Yet, within months, optimism gave way to disillusionment. A person who has devoted his nearly whole life for democracy , strangely , soon after taking over power buried it to the grave. Mujib’s one-party rule dismantled press freedom and institutional checks. Corruption flourished. His loyalists abused power with impunity, while ordinary citizens faced growing hardships.

The famine of 1974, which claimed over half a million lives, symbolized state failure. Mujib’s creation of the Rakkhi Bahini, a feared paramilitary force, signaled authoritarian drift. On August 15, 1975, Mujib and most of his family were assassinated by a group of serving and retitled military officers -- a tragic inevitability , which was waiting to happen.

Ziaur Rahman’s vision and martyrdom: 1975–1981

In the power vacuum, Major General Ziaur Rahman emerged as a stabilizing force. With remarkable courage, he pacified mutinous garrisons and brought order back to a fragmented nation. His tenure, though short, was marked by transformative reforms: From rural development and self-reliance to diplomatic diversification.

Zia opened up the economy, empowered the rural poor, and sent workers abroad, laying the foundation for today’s remittance-driven economy. He restored the sanctity of citizenship, moving away from partisan rule toward meritocracy. Internationally, he balanced ties between the West, China, and the Islamic world -- broadening Bangladesh’s global identity.

India, however, unhappy with Mujib’s fall, tried to ignite instability in the country and allegedly supported unrest in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Yet, Zia stayed firm. His assassination on May 30, 1981 in a failed coup shocked the nation. The spontaneous grief that swept the country revealed the deep trust people placed in him.

 

Ershad, people power, and the caretaker system: 1982–2006

Zia’s death opened the door for General Ershad, a cunning and calculating power hungry officer, to grab power. His autocratic rule endured for nearly a decade, characterized by cronyism, repression, and opportunistic politics. 

Ultimately, the people -- led by students, lawyers, journalists, and professionals -- reclaimed the streets. In 1990, a mass uprising ousted Ershad and restored democracy.

To prevent future electoral manipulation, Bangladesh introduced a homegrown innovation: The Caretaker Government system, a non-partisan body entrusted with managing elections. This ushered in a period of relatively fair electoral contests between Begum Khaleda Zia, widow of President Zia  and Sheikh Hasina, daughter of Sheikh Mujib.

Democracy subverted: 2008–2024

This democratic equilibrium began to unravel when Sheikh Hasina, after two defeats under the caretaker model, turned against it. In 2007–08, using political unrest as a pretext, a military-backed government assumed control. Hasina returned to power in 2009 with a suspect majority -- and never looked back.

For the next sixteen years, Bangladesh drifted into authoritarianism. Institutions were hollowed out. The judiciary was politicized. The media stifled. Enforced disappearances, secret detentions, and digital surveillance became tools of statecraft.

Elections turned into rituals without choice. Dissent turned into sedition. The economy, though growing, became captive to a few oligarchic families with ties to the regime. The soul of the republic withered -- until the people, once again, stood up in 2024.

2024: A nation rises again

By mid-2024, something remarkable happened. A movement -- uncoordinated but deeply felt -- erupted across cities and villages. Students, farmers, civil servants, housewives, and rickshaw pullers found common voice. They marched, they sang, they resisted.

The regime struck back. Over 1,500 unarmed citizens-students, old men and women and children  were killed indisiminately. Yet, repression failed. The edifice of tyranny cracked. Hasina fled to India. Her security apparatus collapsed.

Into this void stepped Professor Muhammad Yunus -- respected globally, trusted domestically, untouched by partisan politics. A non-partisan Interim Government was formed under his leadership. Its mandate: Restore democracy, hold credible elections, and rebuild the moral foundations of the state.

The world responded with hope. Japan, the US, and the EU offered support. India, however, alarmed by losing its grip, tried to sow discord -- even approaching President Trump. But its lies fell flat.

With an open window in history, Bangladesh must now move with boldness and vision.

Electoral reform and the caretaker system

The first pillar of democracy is the integrity of elections. Bangladesh must restore the Caretaker Government system through constitutional amendment -- ensuring that all parties, especially the opposition, have faith in the process.

Attempts to introduce proportional representation, often pushed by fringe actors or foreign donors, must be resisted. Such systems dilute accountability and fragment governance -- especially in fragile democracies like ours. Majoritarian, first-past-the-post systems, though imperfect, offer clearer mandates and simpler choices for voters.

Only clean elections can foster national reconciliation.

Institutional independence and accountability

We must rebuild key state institutions:

• The judiciary must be insulated from political interference, with judges selected on merit and protected from executive pressure
• The civil service must be professionalized, with strict entry criteria and clear promotion tracks. Loyalty to the Constitution, not to party flags, must be the norm
• The police must be depoliticized and reoriented toward community service, not political intimidation

Parliament itself must also change. Reforms should introduce independent parliamentary committees, transparent budgeting, and real oversight of executive actions.

Economic justice and anti-corruption

While macroeconomic figures have impressed donors, the reality for most citizens has worsened. Bangladesh must dismantle the crony capitalism that rewards regime allies and punishes honest entrepreneurs.

Key steps:

• Reform public procurement and mega-project financing
• Empower small and medium enterprises, particularly in rural areas
• Incentivize agro-tech, climate resilience, and sustainable farming
• Guarantee labor rights for RMG workers and migrants -- the silent heroes of our economy
• Raise awareness of public hygiene and build as many clean public toilets in the city with special attention to female user friendly

Transparency in banking, especially the Bangladesh Bank and state-owned banks, must be a national priority.

 

Foreign policy reset

Bangladesh must shed the image of a client state and embrace a balanced, multi-vector foreign policy:

• Japan: Elevate relations from aid to strategic partnership. Japanese investment in infrastructure, tech, and governance can be a game-changer
• India: Respect historical ties but insist on sovereign equality. Water-sharing, trade barriers, and border killings must be addressed firmly
• China: Relationship with China should be all encompassing, including  economic , trade, technology, agriculture , medical , defence  cooperation etc
• US and EU: Rebuild ties based on democratic values. Bangladesh should be seen not just as a garment hub, but a partner in peace and innovation
• Rohingya issue: Elevate it to a national security concern. Bangladesh should explore regional alliances (e.g., with ASEAN, OIC, and UN peacekeeping partners) to pressure Myanmar and negotiate sustainable solutions. The Rohingya issue has the ominous potential to morph into an existential threat

 

Armed forces as a constitutional stabilizer

Though controversial, we must think boldly: Can the armed forces, with their history of playing the most critical role in the war of liberation , its ingrained discipline and national service, play a stabilizing constitutional role?

Proposal:

• Reserve a small number of parliamentary seats (eg 15-20 ) for officers (serving or retired) of rank major general or above, nominated by the Armed Forces Division
• These members would not represent parties but national interest -- contributing to defense, disaster resilience, and long-term planning
• The armed forces could also be engaged in civilian nation-building through an expanded National Service Scheme -- instilling discipline, civic education, and vocational skills among youth

This idea deserves serious constitutional review -- not ideological dismissal.

 

Civic renewal and educational reform

Democracy is more than elections; it requires civic virtue. Bangladesh must invest in:

• Civic education from primary schools to universities -- teaching patriotism, pluralism, tolerance, and critical thinking
• A free but responsible press, able to investigate without fear and without falling into partisan traps
• A modern university system inspired by Singapore, Japan, and Malaysia, focusing on STEM, entrepreneurship, and values-based leadership

We must not allow intellectual dishonesty to erode our foundations -- the youth deserve truth, not propaganda.

 

Youth and the new political culture

The 2024 revolution was a youth-led movement. Its heroes must not be forgotten, sidelined, or tokenized.

• New political platforms must rise -- inclusive of women, minorities, and rural youth
• Politics should no longer be the preserve of the corrupt, the dynastic, or the violent
• A toxic debate is emerging: Pitting 1971’s liberation against 2024’s youth revolution. This must stop

Both are sacred. Both are part of our national identity. Let these two generations stand together, not in rivalry.

 

Transitional justice and national reconciliation

Truth must be told. Wounds must be healed.

Bangladesh needs a Transitional Justice Commission to:

• Investigate enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and corruption
• Hear victims’ voices through public forums and media
• Offer redemption paths for co-opted individuals -- particularly younger officials

This model -- seen in South Africa, Chile, and Rwanda -- fosters closure without vengeance.

Let this be a Bangladeshi process: Transparent, humble, inclusive.

Conclusion: No more rears

Bangladesh has suffered too much -- from 1971’s genocide to 2024’s massacre; from famine to betrayal. Yet it has also endured. And now, it must rise. We may never get another opportunity like this -- to reset our republic, to realign power with people, and to move from fear to hope. The time to act is now. Let us give our support to Professor Yunus and his team -- not blindly, but earnestly. Their time is limited. Our window is brief.

We have already given our blood for this country. Let us now give it our loyalty.

 

Ashraf ud Doula is a retired diplomat and freedom fighter. A former Ambassador of Bangladesh to several countries, he writes on politics, diplomacy, and moral leadership. He believes that public service is not about privilege but about sacrifice.

 

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