There are moments in a nation’s life when it must pause to ask itself the most human of questions: What now? What next? Bangladesh, having crossed the turbulent seas of poverty, political instability, and global neglect, now finds itself standing on the threshold of something new. The foundation is laid, but the architecture of our future remains undecided.
Not long ago, we were told we were the basket case. Now, we are an emerging middle-income nation. We have navigated past famine, floods, and coups. Yet, we are not quite free from the ghosts of our past. The specters of inequality, exclusion, corruption, and injustice haunt our progress. So, what is next for Bangladesh?
The question is not merely rhetorical. It demands action. It demands imagination. It demands reform. Because today, in the post-revolution context and under the shadow of an interim government, this question has taken on an urgency like never before.
Let us begin where it hurts most: Our politics.
The uprising that led to the collapse of a decade-long regime was a people’s cry for justice, dignity, and real democracy. But revolutions are not ends in themselves; they are opportunities. And if history has taught us anything, it is this: Missed opportunities return with greater vengeance.
We must not allow this moment to become yet another exercise in elite reshuffling. We need institutional democratization. This means a robust reform agenda that includes, among other things, limiting prime ministerial terms, insulating the judiciary, empowering the Election Commission, restoring a caretaker system for elections, and dismantling Article 70’s authoritarian constraints. These are not utopian demands -- they are the bedrock of any functioning democracy.
Furthermore, justice must be unshackled from political vendetta. The wave of false cases, arbitrary arrests, mob justice, and extrajudicial actions must cease. The rule of law must replace the rule of fear. Accountability must be sensible, evidence-based, and indiscriminate of political identity. Otherwise, we do not build a state -- we merely recycle tyranny.
It is also crucial that we consider deep structural reforms in state governance. These include but are not limited to enacting a permanent provision for a non-partisan caretaker government during elections, limiting any individual to no more than two terms as prime minister, enforcing resignations from party leadership upon taking public office, and legally empowering the president to balance state powers. The judiciary must become independent in both spirit and structure. The Ombudsman office under Article 77 must be operationalized, and reserved seats for women in Parliament must come with direct elections. Without these, democracy will remain a shell.
The state must work for everyone -- not just the urban elite or politically connected. To truly move forward, we must develop the missing middle class, support the informal workforce, and protect low-income families. Strategic support must be extended to the youth population, which, despite being our greatest asset, risks becoming our greatest liability. Vocational training, entrepreneurial ecosystems, and education reform are non-negotiable.
Yet, education is more than a pipeline for labor. It is the crucible of citizenship. And here lies one of our deepest wounds. The education system has been ravaged by politicization, incompetence, and mediocrity. We must de-politicize teaching institutions, ensure merit-based recruitment, and modernize curricula to promote critical thinking over rote memorization.
Moving forward, both the government and relevant stakeholders must prioritize a clear, actionable reform agenda focused on quality, meritocracy, and professionalism. This means appointing qualified teachers based on merit, investing in their continuous professional development, and ensuring that both teachers and the curricula are relevant to the demands of the 21st century.
Research must be reevaluated, not as a luxury but as a lifeline. Bangladesh cannot rely indefinitely on foreign expertise to solve climate change, food security, or pandemic threats. If we are to survive and thrive, our universities must become centers of knowledge production, not degree factories. As Professor Muhammad Yunus rightly emphasized, we must invest in research that is rooted in our context and driven by our priorities. Incremental change is no longer enough -- what we need is a fundamental shift. Increasing research funding can no longer be an afterthought, and it must be accompanied by ensuring academic freedom and encouraging partnerships between universities, industry, and government.
We must also unleash the power of digital finance and technology. More than a year after digital bank licenses were granted, not one has become operational. This is tragic. With over 60 million unbanked citizens, the stakes are high. Digital banking could revolutionize financial inclusion, boost GDP by billions, and generate employment. But bureaucratic inertia and regulatory delay are bleeding the momentum. We must act now. The digital economy could also empower small traders and the informal sector, and bring real change to the marginalized.
The same applies to the energy sector. Bangladesh is one of the most climate-vulnerable nations in the world. And yet, our energy mix remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels. The new Renewable Energy Policy 2025 is a welcome shift, with its 20% renewables target by 2030 and tax incentives for green investment. But policy without implementation is performative. We must overcome bureaucratic bottlenecks, incentivize innovation, and empower local governments to take climate adaptation seriously. Implementation is key, not just vision.
This leads us to perhaps our most underappreciated heroes -- our migrant workers.
Last fiscal year, remittances crossed $30 billion for the first time, contributing significantly to our forex reserves. But the question remains: What have we done for them? These workers face exploitation abroad, receive limited legal aid, and often operate without adequate pre-departure support. Strengthening diplomatic missions, legal protections, and worker training is imperative. They deserve dignity, not just data. Our migrant workers are not just economic agents; they are families, dreams, and sacrifices rolled into one. We must ensure that our policies protect their dignity and well-being.
Bangladesh’s economic path is also entering a critical phase. Graduation from LDC status looms near, and with it, the loss of trade preferences and concessional aid. Yet, the current fiscal budget offers little in terms of bold reforms to attract FDI or revive investor confidence. Instead, it doubles down on indirect taxes and bureaucratic hurdles. If we are serious about being an investment hub, we must tackle corruption head-on, simplify regulations, and provide genuine protection to businesses.
Our business climate must be redesigned for post-LDC survival. We cannot afford to lose the momentum built over decades. The investor must feel Bangladesh is open for business not just in rhetoric but in practice. Transparency, judicial reliability, and ease of doing business will define our competitiveness in the years ahead.
And then there is the question of press freedom.
While Bangladesh moved up 16 ranks in the World Press Freedom Index in 2025, we still languish at 149th out of 180 countries. Journalists continue to face threats, surveillance, legal harassment, and censorship. Press freedom is not a Western luxury. It is the mirror in which democracy sees its own face. Until reporters can speak without fear and citizens can criticize without punishment, we are not a free nation. A free press is essential not just for checking abuse but for sustaining hope.
Finally, we must return to a truth that is older than the republic itself: No democracy can survive if it forgets its own origins.
There is growing concern that the interim administration, while promising neutrality, is indulging in ideological revisionism. Marginalizing the Liberation War narrative, empowering fundamentalist-aligned networks, and banning political parties -- is not neutrality. It is revisionism cloaked in technocracy. Historical distortion and ideological appeasement of anti-liberation forces must be openly challenged.
The systemic marginalization of secular-democratic forces, and the rise of newly empowered fringe groups, present a grave threat to Bangladesh’s pluralistic identity. The silence of the administration in the face of mob violence, minority persecution, and anti-liberation resurgence is ominous. As history reminds us, peace built on repression and exclusion is temporary at best.
An election that excludes major political stakeholders will be illegitimate, both domestically and globally. If Bangladesh is to reclaim its democratic credibility, it must ensure inclusive, fair, and participatory elections. The path forward cannot be paved by exclusion and intimidation.
So, what is next?
Bangladesh must embrace reform not as a slogan but as a sacred duty. Political restructuring, educational revitalization, environmental stewardship, economic transformation, and social justice must all proceed in tandem.
Yes, we have miles to go. But we are not without strength.
We are the country that turned floods into fish farms, disasters into resilience, and poverty into progress. We are not just survivors; we are dreamers. And our dream is not just to grow, but to grow justly.
The future of Bangladesh does not lie in the hands of a few, but in the aspirations of the many. And if we dare to imagine boldly, work honestly, and govern wisely, then perhaps, just perhaps, the answer to ”what's next?” will be: Something extraordinary.
HM Nazmul Alam is an academic, journalist, and political analyst based in Dhaka, Bangladesh. He can be reached at [email protected].
