In the cold light of the day, the enormity of challenges is peeking out from under the cover of the cooling of passion and frenzy. For a nation that thrives in seeking out conspiracy theories one must wait for details to emerge about the planning or not of a fast-paced movement that upended what had appeared to be a rock-solid regime.
In the past, when political forces had been at the helm of movements against elected and unelected governments, there had been thought-led planning essentially based on inclusive, relatively acceptable elections towards governance structures. The rest of the work for those interim or caretaker governments barring post August 15, 1975 was peripheral, hogging headlines, and then fading from view.
As matters now seem, there are multi-pronged, divergent processes at work. The job quota reform movement was a curious one to begin with. Such a massive outburst for improving the percentage share on the average 3000 government jobs a year began making sense as the narrative changed to demands for anti-discrimination. Whether the students had been prepared for the ultimate removal of autocratic rule won’t be known anytime soon but that’s what it morphed to fuelled by a general simmering resentment.
The floods and the inevitable aftermath may have diverted attention but not much input is publicly apparent about specific proposals for and indeed the scope and depth of reform. The interim government by its own admission isn’t equipped to govern; it can only be a catalyst for good governance informed by the different actor groups.
While that process has begun through discussions with political parties, bankers, businessmen, and journalists, one waits for the crucial involvement of public and private sector, law and order enforcers, defense agencies,cultural groups and the hitherto left out groups of farmers, labourers, workers, and academicians.
Reforming the administrative process is a combination of changing rules of business and some laws so as to somehow prevent sycophancy and corruption
As a group the interim government boasts excellent individual accreditations, yet advisers have little option but to depend on public sector administrators in running day to day affairs, trying at the same time to instill some semblance of confidence even as the weeding out process is in progress. That’s one stream clear to all. The so-called “day job” is an exercise all by itself.
Reforming the administrative process is a combination of changing rules of business and some laws so as to somehow prevent sycophancy and corruption, at least in terms of daylight robbery. Administrative reform is best defined by those that know the ins and outs-meaning current and former employees that managed to steer clear of downright corruption. In so doing, inputs must be taken from those at the receiving end of frustration at services-suggesting cross-sections of society. It’s one thing to talk of reforms; quite another to put one’s hand into the hornets’ nest.
The list of areas for reform is endless with judiciary, taxation, land administration, local government, health services to mention a few. That’s where any listed plans by the students should be useful. More of the same isn’t an option if this moment of promise is to succeed.
And then again there is a murky realm of counter-movements supported by dark actors at home and abroad that require a dedicated, if less-visible, team to deal with. Certainly less visible and ham-handed than announcing to the world that a drive against illegal arms and drug lords is to be undertaken. Such initiatives work best with the surprise element in place and no one has yet really asked out loud why the drive has been so well publicized. These are all heavy streams requiring more than just directives. The right people with the right intent must be drafted in if needed without going public. There are times when achievement of greater good are cards held close to the chest.
Mahmudur Rahman is a writer, columnist, broadcaster, and communications specialist.
