A series of images posted by Ibrahim Khairat, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation’s (OIC) Special Envoy to Myanmar, has unintentionally revealed troubling associations during his recent visit to Bangladesh’s Rohingya refugee camps.
Among the photos shared on his Facebook page on February 18 are scenes that, at first glance, appear to highlight humanitarian engagement - visits to a sewing factory where Rohingya women work, and facilities run by a Turkish NGO. Yet, buried within these images is a more controversial revelation: a meeting with individuals linked to the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) and other factions operating under the shadow of Dil Mohammed, a figure infamous for his ties to Myanmar’s military and his coercive tactics within the camps.
To understand the significance of these images, one must first understand Dil Mohammed. Dil Mohammed is widely regarded among Rohingya refugees as a smuggler and ally of Myanmar’s military. From his early days as a labourer to his rise as a feared middleman for the junta, Dil Mohammed’s journey has been built on manipulation and ruthless ambition.
Dil Mohammed: The smuggler shaping a war in ArakanHaving facilitated illicit arms transfers and smuggling operations, his influence has transcended borders, allowing him to operate with impunity even within Bangladesh’s refugee camps. Today, he reportedly leads efforts to recruit Rohingya youth into armed groups with the aim of fighting the Arakan Army.
The Controversial Meeting: Who Was in the Room?
In the now-circulated photo posted by Khairat, several known affiliates of armed groups appear alongside the OIC envoy:
- Mv Abdu Rahim – A figure known for his close ties to Dil Mohammed’s network and a member of Dil Mohammed’s 8-member recruitment committee.
- Mv Abdu Mannan (RSO) – A member of the RSO.
- Ramat Ullah (ARSA) - A high ranking ARSA member.
- Khin Maung – Allegedly a member of Dil Mohammed’s committee, and related to the veteran Rohingya armed group leader, Nurul Islam. Islam currently leads the Arakan Rohingya National Alliance.
- Master Jahangir – A former intelligence collaborator with Myanmar's border force, Nasaka, and other military intelligence units, including the Office of the Chief of Military Security Affairs (OCMSA), commonly known by its Burmese acronym Sa Ya Pha. He has been implicated in exploiting fellow refugees while serving as a Head Majhee in Camp 1
and has been accused by members of the Hindu community of involvement in the 2017 massacre. Jahangir has also served jail time in Bangladesh. - Mv Rahmat Karim – A prominent ARSA leader who went into hiding following the assassination of Rohingya leader Mohib Ullah in September 2021.
- Karim is considered a key operative for Dil Mohammed and serves as the principal of Belal Madarasa in Camp 1, a venue frequently used by Dil
- Mohammed for clandestine meetings.
- Sadek Husin – Local Rohingya camp assistant to Reza Uddin, the Director General of the Arakan Rohingya Union (ARU), an organisation that liaises with the OIC.
A Rohingya refugee from the camps, familiar with these individuals’ histories, described their resurgence: “We can see that most of the former chairmen and Thabbey (military-lined spies), who tortured people in many ways back in Arakan, are now uniting under the umbrella of Dil Mohammed. Before Dil Mohammed’s emergence in the camps, many of these individuals lived quietly, pretending to be good and no longer a threat. Very unlike how they were in Myanmar. However, now they are once again banding together under the leadership of Dil Mohammed.”
This testimony reflects the fear and resentment felt by many refugees who view the re-emergence of these figures as a return to the oppression they once experienced in Myanmar.
In response to inquiries, the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) issued a carefully worded statement denying any official engagement with the OIC envoy.
Their message said: “No one has met with the OIC representative as an RSO representative.”
This phrasing suggests an element of plausible deniability, as individuals with known affiliations to the RSO were present in the meeting, albeit possibly not in an official capacity.
Despite multiple inquiries, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has yet to respond to requests for clarification regarding the nature of these meetings and the individuals involved.
Notably, the Arakan Rohingya Union (ARU) acknowledged that the Government of Bangladesh facilitated Khairat’s visit, suggesting that authorities were at least aware of this gathering.
In a public comment on Khairat’s post, Reza Uddin, ARU’s Director General, thanked the Bangladeshi government: “We warmly welcome Dr. Ibrahim Khairat to the camp as the OIC special envoy. Your visit is of great significance and represents a hopeful step towards creating new opportunities for Rohingya refugees… A sincere thank you from ARU for your important visit, and our gratitude extends to the Bangladeshi authorities for facilitating this meaningful occasion.”
This gratitude indicates some level of coordination between camp authorities, government agencies, and the OIC envoy. It raises questions about how much Bangladesh knew or approved regarding the presence of armed-group affiliates at this meeting.
As of now, ARSA has not responded to inquiries regarding whether any of its members were present at the meeting with the OIC special envoy.
Diplomatic Implications: A Questionable Engagement
The involvement of the OIC in the Rohingya crisis holds significant diplomatic weight, particularly due to its long-standing advocacy for the rights of Rohingya refugees. The OIC has been a vocal advocate for the Rohingya, notably supporting The Gambia's 2019 case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against Myanmar for alleged genocide.
This legal action seeks to hold Myanmar accountable for atrocities committed against the Rohingya population. Clearly then, a meeting between OIC Special Envoy Ibrahim Khairat and individuals linked to armed groups collaborating with Myanmar's military - the same military accused of genocide at the ICJ - presents a troubling contradiction.
This is particularly concerning given Bangladesh’s broader geopolitical ambitions, as Dhaka has urged the OIC to prioritise the repatriation of Rohingya refugees in its action plan for 2026–2035. Engaging with individuals that have links to armed factions could weaken international confidence in Bangladesh’s capacity to manage the crisis effectively, especially in light of increasing reports of state-backed militarisation within the camps.
The implications of this meeting become even more severe when considered against the backdrop of deteriorating conditions in the camps and in Arakan. Myanmar’s resistance forces, such as the Arakan Army, which opposes the junta’s rule, could interpret these talks as a tacit endorsement of their adversaries and respond with intensified hostility.
A Diplomatic Development with Broader Implications
The meeting between the OIC’s special envoy and figures associated with armed groups raises significant diplomatic concerns in the ongoing Rohingya crisis. While the OIC’s intentions may have been humanitarian, the diplomatic and ethical implications of this engagement raise serious questions. The ambiguity surrounding the RSO’s denial of official involvement, coupled with the OIC’s silence, further clouds the true nature of these interactions.
These concerns align with broader issues faced by the Rohingya, as highlighted by Meenakshi Ganguly, Deputy Director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia Division. Ganguly, who noted she was unaware such a meeting had occurred, emphasised, "The Rohingya people have to endure systemic discrimination not only in Myanmar but also from many host communities where they seek shelter. World leaders, including the OIC, need to do a lot more to press for accountability and justice, ensure that the Rohingya can return to their homes with dignity and with all their rights protected.”
For Bangladesh, the discovery that those close to Dil Mohammed were present alongside the OIC envoy under official oversight could trigger diplomatic pushback. Countries and international organisations counting on Dhaka to uphold both humanitarian and security commitments may question its role in preventing or enabling militarised networks to flourish among vulnerable refugees.
The ramifications of this meeting extend beyond camp politics. It could erode international confidence in Bangladesh’s handling of the refugee crisis and complicate efforts toward peaceful repatriation.
Shafiur Rahman is a journalist and documentary maker. He writes the Rohingya Refugee News newsletter.
