The Election Tribunal declared you mayor almost five years after the election. How do you view this verdict?
The election held in 2020 was riddled with massive vote rigging, corruption, irregularities, and outright vote theft. The autocratic (Sheikh) Hasina’s relative (Sheikh Fazle Noor) Taposh was declared mayor through these means. Prior to the election, our posters had been torn down daily, and attacks had been carried out on our activists and supporters. I submitted (evidence for) all these to the returning officer at the time.
Ignoring all of that, the Election Commission announced the results. Following electoral guidelines, we filed a case. As you know, Taposh had a notorious reputation for interfering in legal proceedings and tried to have the case dismissed. But we thwarted that attempt and took the case from the tribunal to the High Court. However, the court kept the case pending. At that time, there was no rule of law in the country.
Later, after August 5, we again approached the court. At that point, the court itself stated that the verdict must be delivered within four months. After that, we returned to the tribunal and continued our legal battle. Considering everything, the court gave a verdict in our favor.
Are you going to take the oath of office as mayor?
Of course, I will take the oath. That is exactly why we fought this legal battle. Our leader, Tarique Rahman, instructed us to complete the legal process and then take the oath. Otherwise, it would have no legitimacy. If I do not take the oath, questions might arise: “Why did you not take the oath? Did you forcibly obtain the verdict?” That is why I must take the oath.
The 2020 mayoral term is nearing its end. Do you think you can accomplish anything in this short time?
Those raising this issue are essentially trying to hinder me. After the verdict was announced, a faction of the government began interfering in various ways. They are bringing up this argument that there is not much time left in the term. But the matter is very simple.
After taking the oath, Taposh had a term, and I did not take the oath then. My tenure will begin from the moment I take the oath. Now they say the law is not clear on this. If that is the case, we will approach the court for clarification. A mayor elected by the people has a five-year term. My tenure cannot be merged with Taposh’s.
The NCP has sent you a notice urging you not to take the oath. Why do you think they did that?
Their statement contains many inaccuracies. They aspire to become a political force, but they do not even know how to issue a proper statement. Without verifying any facts or evidence, they sent out that statement.
They claimed the verdict was rushed, but the case had been pending for almost five years. So how was it rushed? We received the verdict through the High Court. The court had set a four-month timeframe for delivering the verdict. They have shown contempt of court. Whether the verdict is valid or invalid was decided by the court. They cannot point fingers at the court.
That amounts to contempt of court. At the same time, they tried to question the legitimacy of the Election Commission. So are they not going to respect any institution? Do their words carry final authority? They even alleged that the tribunal judge accepted unethical benefits. That is a serious falsehood. Will they not respect anyone—the court, the commission?
On the contrary, they are trying to pressure these institutions. The public has outright rejected such behavior with disdain.
Why are they making such allegations against state institutions?
The city corporation has ties with the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives (LGRD). The adviser for this ministry is a representative of the NCP. I believe this statement was issued to provide unethical support to him.
What will be your first action for the city’s residents after taking the oath?
Administering the oath of office is entirely under the jurisdiction of the government. Whether they will allow me to take the oath in accordance with the law or not—that depends on them. Through this, they must demonstrate their impartiality.
In addition, a few advisers must resign. We must also be attentive to the roles of other advisers during the next election.
Before the 2020 election, I released a manifesto where everything was outlined. In brief, I will take steps to combat traffic congestion, air pollution, and noise pollution.
Unplanned urbanization has caused various problems here. There is pressure on the healthcare system, law and order has deteriorated, and the drainage system has collapsed. Once in office, I want to solve these problems. I want Dhaka to be included in the list of livable cities.
If in the future our leader Tarique Rahman leads the BNP to power, we will try to permanently solve these problems by decentralizing Dhaka.
You have demanded the resignation of several advisers. Can you specify who they are?
The two individuals currently serving in the government as student representatives must resign. They should have resigned much earlier, because they are directly connected to the NCP.
We know—even if it is not seen directly—where they are going, who they are associated with, and where shady negotiations are being held.
We know everything. We have allegations against a few other advisers as well. I am not disclosing their names at this moment. I will discuss it with the party’s main leader and inform you later.
Do you think the government will hold the general election by December?
They must hold the election by December. There is no option to go beyond that. Because after that, Ramadan begins, and elections cannot be held during that time. Then there is Eid-ul-Adha, and after that the monsoon season. Elections in Bangladesh are not possible during June-July.
This government must arrange the election. Why have we endured 17 years of oppression, enforced disappearances, killings, and lawsuits? It is to regain democracy. A prerequisite for that is a free and fair election. They must hold the election. We have not backed away from our electoral stance.
There are allegations of extortion against BNP activists in different regions. What action is the BNP taking against them?
Whenever there are allegations against BNP activists, we take action. No other political party in Bangladesh is taking such action. We have taken organizational action against more than 3,000 activists. Actions have been taken against top leaders as well as grassroots-level leaders. At the instruction of our leader, a case was even filed at Gulshan police station against one individual.
However, we are not in power. So, we cannot take legal action against them. Besides, I never said that they are not part of our party. We will tell the government—go ahead and arrest them, bring them to justice.
But we see the government is not doing that. Instead, a propaganda campaign is being run against us through the media. This raises suspicion in our minds. Is this being allowed intentionally, just to discredit the BNP in front of the public? These discussions are very much present on the ground.
What steps will the BNP take to attract the youth vote in the election?
Not just youth—the BNP is working to gain votes from people of all age groups. We are seeing that a few individuals are being portrayed as representatives of the entire youth population across the country. That is very unfortunate.
Are there no youth in the BNP? Are we not youth? Now, if it is said that young people will only vote for a new party—Bangladeshis are not foolish. There is a coordinated campaign of lies being conducted. But those lies will not hold up. During the election, it will be clear what the people of Bangladesh want and whom they want.
Why did the unity among political parties break down after the uprising?
There are many reasons. One of the main reasons is that after August 5, many parties tried hard to take sole credit for the movement. It never crossed our minds to seek credit for the movement. We had been protesting for 17 years.
Many of our people have been killed and injured. Those associated with the BNP sacrificed their lives for this movement. But we saw that one group tried to take full credit. They even said that the BNP was not part of the movement at all.
Moreover, there was an attempt to erase the legacy of 1971 and elevate 2024 above it. Our leader Ziaur Rahman declared independence and launched the Liberation War. After that war, we received the map of an independent Bangladesh. We will not tolerate anyone trying to erase that. That is when we began to distance ourselves from them.
Those who have a problem with the 1971 legacy or whose role was against Bangladesh at that time are the ones trying to erase 1971. But we will not let that happen. It cannot be allowed. 1971 will remain where it belongs. 1990 will remain in its place. And the 2024 uprising will have its place. You cannot parallel 2024 with 1971.
Another reason is that the BNP is a very large political party. It is assumed that if an election is held, the BNP will come to power. We have a large support base across the country. You cannot equate 5% with 50%. But some parties with only 5% support try to treat the BNP like a 50-50 partner and behave accordingly. We are then compelled to respond, and that creates distance between us.
When is Tarique Rahman returning home?
Our leader Tarique Rahman is waiting for the right moment to return to the country. Necessary preparations are being made. He will return to Bangladesh very soon. He will take charge of a nation that has turned into ruins. In the future, if he is elected prime minister by the people’s vote, he will present us with a new Bangladesh.
