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The red fortress

Update : 25 Jan 2014, 06:33 PM

There is a red fortress in Dhaka. Similar to Lalbagh Fort, this one also follows Mughal architecture. While Lalbagh Fort was a symbol of the Mughal Empire, this one symbolises a modern empire. 

While the Mughal Empire directly ruled Bengal, this modern empire influences decision-making in the highest echelons of Bangladesh with an arsenal of state power tools. As the commander of this fortress has called for new elections just after the Awami League has formed its government, it is pertinent to look into this institution.

The US Embassy in Dhaka holds a towering presence over the nation. Built in 1989, the red-brick, three-story structure is encircled by a moat, which is a secondary security barrier. A covered arcade borders the entry court to shelter visitors. The four-square building amidst palm trees is raised on a podium. Inside is a high-ceiling central atrium for meetings and receptions.  

The structure is guarded by armed police battalion members, hundreds of private security personnel, and the inner core is protected by US Marine Corps. 

The Marine security guard detachment is ultimately responsible for preventing any threats within or outside the post. The principal role for this elite armed force is to protect personnel and secure classified information. Its training involves natural disaster and intruder containment drills, plus defensive tactics.

This midsized embassy has over 100 US staff and 400 local personnel. According to the US State Department’s inspection report, the institution is considered a 30% hardship mission due to tropical weather, chaotic traffic, air pollution, frequent illnesses, and highly visible poverty.

Its publicly-listed units include consular, management, political/economic, and public affairs sections, the Library of Congress, departments of justice and agriculture, trade centre, international development agency, defence cooperation, defence attaché, plus regional security offices.

Most visit the embassy for visa services, dealing with some stern guards and hostile support staff before finally seeing the Foreign Service Officer. Although I have not visited the embassy in quite some time, having not heard otherwise, I believe concrete customer service improvement is mandatory here, as this is the only contact with the American government for many Bangladeshis.  

Besides handling increasing visa requirements, the embassy is gaining more commercial workload due to more US firms arriving in Bangladesh. There are approximately 65 American companies operating in Bangladesh, with 500 that have local representatives/distributors.

In addition to the US Trade Centre, the US Ambassador also pushes for commercial interests, as in emphasising to the prime minister how Biman purchasing Boeing aircrafts will be best for both entities. 

The embassy is involved in almost all elements of Bangladeshi society in its mission to develop democracy, the economy, and counterterrorism. 

Its cables depict all leaders, from the AL to BNP to the military, seeking its cooperation. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina confides in managing her difficult alliance with former President Ershad’s Jatiya Party, opposition leader Begum Zia complains of being prevented from playing a constructive role in parliament, and directorate general of forces intelligence officers make a PowerPoint presentation on capturing Islamist militants. 

Whereas some political commentators assess that US interferes in the nation’s internal affairs, it is Bangladeshi leaders who actively encourage this behavior when it suits their interests. 

Can anyone imagine a scenario where the CIA makes a presentation at Bangladesh Embassy in Washington DC?  

Through this embassy, the US has built hundreds of cyclone shelters, taught religious tolerance to madrasa students and teachers, led the way among donors in family planning, trained Special Security Force in antiterrorism measures, and provided the largest ship in the Bangladesh Navy. The US government has had a profound impact in many aspects of the nation.  

The US ambassador’s statements are painted in broad strokes across the media landscape. In this scenario, when the ambassador calls for new elections by May or June before flying back to the homeland, it raises questions on the future of Bangladesh. 

Ever since the BNP decided to boycott the election, the US has repeatedly called for dialogue leading to inclusive, credible elections.  

Former US Ambassador to Bangladesh William Milam has even remarked that a one-party government leads to a one-party state. Ambassador Milam has recommended that Begum Zia dissolve the Jamaat-e-Islami alliance and remove dynastic politics. 

A career diplomat, Ambassador Milam continues to take temporary assignments for the state department. He is currently a senior scholar at DC think-tank Wilson Centre. 

If his recommendations reflect inside-the-Beltway thinking, this can be a game-changer for those yearning for serious political reformation in Bangladesh.

At her post-election rally, Begum Zia instructed followers on not waging war, but conducting a peaceful movement for an inclusive election. This comes in stark contrast to when previously Acting Secretary General Mirza Fakrul Islam Alamgir stated that vandalising one or two vehicles is not enough to have the government meet BNP’s demands. 

The BNP has turned away from strikes, blockades, and violence, as called for by Ambassador Mozena. Moreover, BNP sources have declared of keeping a strategic distance from Jamaat due to international pressure. People are yet to see if Tarique Rahman will remain the undisputed future leader of the party.  

Another analyst at Wilson Centre, Senior Program Associate Michael Kugelman has stated: “Bangladesh is one of the biggest powder kegs in South Asia. The White House needs to be up to speed so that it’s not caught off-guard if a worst-case scenario – from a ruling party effort to establish a one-party state to a military takeover – should ever come to pass.”

Upon contacting the analyst at his DC office, he illustrated further: “The US has good reason to be uncomfortable with either party in power. It certainly hasn’t been pleased with the AL, and for good reason, given the ruling party’s questionable policies in recent months.

Yet, it certainly also worries about the opposition, which is close to hardline Islamist forces such as the Jamaat. These days, the chief US aim in South Asia is stability.

Effective counter-militancy plays a key role here. If you achieve a democratic victory by getting the AL to accede to a free election, then the result would probably be the BNP back in power, which doesn’t have the same track record as the AL on counter-terrorism.”

As the AL stated it would not hold new elections on the American schedule, the US is likely to increase its pressure after making such as public case. Otherwise, the numerous state department declarations, congressional hearings, and subsequent resolution will seem like hollow words from a shell of an empire.

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