Measles is a highly contagious disease. However, there is a vaccine against the virus responsible for measles, and children in Bangladesh have long been vaccinated against it. Once, only a measles vaccine was administered. Later, vaccines for mumps and rubella were added to it. This combined vaccine is given to children at the ages of 9 months and 15 months so that they can develop lifelong immunity.
Newborns generally do not need to be vaccinated against measles because Bangladesh has long benefited from strong herd immunity. In addition, immunity received through breastfeeding significantly reduced the risk of measles infection in children up to 9 months old.
During the interim government, the long-standing government program HPNSP -- the Health, Nutrition and Population Sector Plan --was canceled. Various reasons were cited behind this decision, including allegations of mismanagement and financial corruption in the health sector during both the Awami League government and previous administrations.
To reduce the transmission of measles and eventually eradicate the disease, Bangladesh regularly conducted nationwide measles vaccination campaigns. At the same time, campaigns related to nutrition and Vitamin A capsule distribution were also carried out. The last nationwide measles campaign took place in 2020, and it had been decided that such campaigns would continue every four years.
However, following the fall of the Awami League government in 2024, the issue of continuing the measles vaccination campaign remained unresolved and the fourth HPNSP sector plan also ended. The budget proposed that year by the previous government had included allocations for these programs.
Since HPNSP was heavily dependent on donor funding, there had also been efforts from donor agencies and within Bangladesh’s health system itself to gradually reduce dependency and move toward greater self-reliance.
After August 2024, there was a prolonged delay in renewing HPNSP, and the measles vaccination campaign was no longer conducted. Then, in March 2025, the interim government canceled both the allocated funds for the fifth HPNSP plan and the plan itself.
With this cancellation, the broader sector plan effectively collapsed. Around 38 separate programs had been operating under this framework, and many were either stopped entirely or severely disrupted.
Other vaccination programs, including those for rabies and tuberculosis, were affected. Supplies of snakebite antivenom, AIDS medication distribution, and other public health initiatives also faced disruptions. Regular Vitamin A capsule distribution was interrupted.
Salaries of health workers stopped, and those responsible for transporting and administering vaccines also faced uncertainty. Many health workers eventually took to the streets with demands, particularly over unpaid salaries. The interim government blamed these street protests for disruptions in the health programs.
But the larger issue was that the interim government attempted to procure vaccines through an “open tender” method instead of following the existing procurement process. According to critics, this decision was incorrectand contributed to delays. The government reportedly moved ahead despite repeated requests and warnings from donor agencies, including Unicef. As a result, vaccination activities were disrupted, leaving many children unvaccinated.
Consequently, herd immunity weakened significantly this year, and Bangladesh experienced a severe measles outbreak. Many expected civil society organizations to criticize the interim government over this negligence, just as they had often criticized previous political governments over public health failures. Surprisingly, a large section of civil society remained silent and largely avoided meaningful discussion of the issue.
Dr Muhammad Yunus appointed as health adviser a woman who, according to critics, lacked prior experience or training in the health sector. She herself was reportedly suffering from a serious illness and traveled abroad several times for treatment during her tenure. Critics argue that she was therefore unable to carry out many responsibilities expected of a health adviser. One example frequently cited was the aftermath of the Milestone College accident, when she was not visibly present at health institutions.
At the same time, members of the interim government often rushed to public events and crisis sites for visibility whenever incidents occurred. Yet, critics note that none of the advisers appeared to visit the homes of the families of the hundreds of children who reportedly died during the measles outbreak, despite the interim government itself emerging from civil society activism.
During their years in civil society, many of these individuals had strongly criticized governments over public failures. However, once in office, critics argue that they refused to accept responsibility for failures under their own administration and instead attempted to shift blame onto previous governments.
Bangladesh’s civil society has historically been vocal on many social and political issues. Yet, because sections of civil society became directly linked to the interim government, many observers believe they remained largely silent about the measles outbreak and failed to offer meaningful criticism or accountability regarding its causes.
If we review the situation, we will see that Dr Yunus formed a health commission that many critics viewed as politically biased. The health adviser appointed under this framework was also accused of favouritism. Allegations emerged that appointments within the health department were made based on personal preferences and informal quotas. Critics further argue that the treatment of doctors and health workers during this period reflected bias and discrimination.
This became particularly controversial because one of the major promises associated with the July movement had been the elimination of discrimination and the establishment of a merit-based system. Yet many people believe that blatant partisanship instead became visible within the health sector.
When they took office, they promised to build a Bangladesh free from discrimination, govern impartially, and value merit. Critics argue that these principles were not reflected in practice. Instead, allegations regarding bribery and irregularities in postings, transfers, and promotions within the Health Department continued to emerge.
This silence has raised broader questions not only about civil society itself, but also about its objectives and activities. Those who once loudly spoke about corruption, foreign influence, and governance failures seemed largely absent when it came to speaking about measles-related deaths allegedly linked to negligence during the interim government period.
This silence has disappointed many people. It is not that no one spoke at all. Some discussions did emerge, mostly on television talk shows. Critics argue that certain political figures appeared on these talk shows mainly to defend the interim government and deflect blame. In response, others raised objections and voiced concerns publicly.
The problem extends beyond measles alone. According to critics, Bangladesh may soon face an even broader health sector crisis. The current situation, they argue, has pushed the healthcare system dangerously close to collapse. Many fear that the policies and failures of the interim government’s health administration are putting ordinary people at serious risk.
Healthcare is a fundamental right of the people of Bangladesh. Protecting that right requires more than public awareness campaigns. It requires rebuilding the healthcare system by involving those who understand public health, conduct medical research and work directly in healthcare delivery. Critics argue that civil society today is not demanding such structural reform. Instead, many remain preoccupied with declarations, reform agendas and promoting their own achievements.
What has happened -- and what has failed to happen -- cannot ultimately be hidden. A proper review of the interim government’s actions may help identify where mistakes were made and why the country continues to struggle to achieve its broader goals.
Why are children still losing their lives after so many sacrifices were made during the movement? Why is discrimination still emerging in the name of eliminating discrimination? Critics argue that this discrimination now extends into the healthcare system itself -- affecting the right to treatment, the right to protection, and ultimately the right to life.
Even when children survive measles, many continue to suffer long-term complications, while malnutrition caused by measles hinder growth and development.
Bangladesh once earned international recognition for remarkable achievements in healthcare, particularly in vaccination programs and maternal and child health. That success was often described as a “miracle” in global health discussions.
We now fear that much of this progress has been severely damaged. They argue that by pushing the healthcare system into crisis, Bangladesh risks reviving the image of an impoverished, unhealthy, and malnourished country that it had long struggled to overcome.
Despite repeated promises of building a “new Bangladesh,” many believe the interim government instead halted many of the advances achieved through decades of public effort and placed additional burdens on future elected governments.
Bangladesh’s average life expectancy now stands at around 73 years. The children who died were supposed to live long lives, were meant to grow up, support their families, and care for their parents one day.
There should be a full investigation -- how did measles spread so widely in Bangladesh, why the country’s health programs were disrupted, and who was responsible for these failures.
The people of Bangladesh have the right to know the truth. If those responsible are identified and held accountable, perhaps the parents who lost their children may at least find some measure of peace.
