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Women in politics: From frontline resistance to marginalized power

Their exclusion from mainstream politics is a failure of political institutions to honour their contribution

Update : 09 Apr 2026, 01:44 AM

The political history of Bangladesh is inseparable from mass resistance, popular movements, and struggles for freedom and rights. From the anti-colonial resistance against British rule to the Language Movement of 1952, the 1969 Mass Uprising, the anti-Pakistani movement, repeated student movements, and the Liberation War of 1971, women played active and visible roles. 

They were organizers, messengers, mobilizers, caregivers, cultural activists, and in many cases direct participants in confrontation with state power. Women were never silent spectators in the making of the nation. 

Yet in contemporary Bangladesh, despite women constituting half of the population and despite women having ruled the country for more than three decades, women remain largely absent from mainstream political power. 

This contradiction raises fundamental questions about democracy, representation, and justice.

Women’s political engagement in Bengal did not begin in 1952 or 1971. Even during the struggle against British colonial rule, women actively participated in protests, boycotts, underground organizing, and nationalist campaigns. 

More than a dozen courageous women fighters resisted British, Mughal, and Sultanate rule, and many sacrificed their lives in the struggle for freedom and justice. 

Women students, teachers, writers, and community leaders helped mobilize public opinion while challenging both colonial domination and the social restrictions imposed upon them. 

These early political experiences laid the foundation for women’s later participation in mass movements and established a strong tradition of resistance that is often overlooked in official political narratives.

During the Language Movement of 1952, women students defied prohibitory orders, joined street protests, and organized logistical and moral support for activists. Their participation challenged conservative gender norms and expanded the boundaries of public political space. 

In the 1969 Mass Uprising, women again emerged on the streets, particularly in urban centres, contributing to the downfall of military rule and strengthening the demand for autonomy. 

These movements demonstrated that women were not only participants but also political actors shaping national consciousness.

The Liberation War of 1971 marked a turning point in women’s political history. Women served as freedom fighters, intelligence carriers, medical workers, cultural activists, and organizers in refugee camps. The war politicized an entire generation of women and reshaped their relationship with the nation and the state. 

However, after independence, as politics became increasingly centralized, violent, and male dominated, women were gradually excluded from decision making spaces. The ideals of participation and equality that women fought for during the war were not reflected in post-independence political institutions.

Bangladesh presents a rare global paradox. The country has been governed for more than 36 years by two women leaders, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. Their leadership profoundly shaped the modern political landscape and placed Bangladesh among the few countries where women dominated executive power for such an extended period.

Yet this concentration of power at the top has not translated into broader political inclusion for women. 

Women remain scarce as party decision makers, general seat candidates, local government leaders, and influential grassroots organizers. 

Most women who enter politics do so through reserved seats, family connections, or patronage networks rather than open competition. As a result, women’s political participation remains symbolic rather than substantive.

The system of reserved seats was introduced to increase women’s representation, but in practice it has failed to create genuine political power. 

Women in reserved seats are often nominated by party leadership rather than elected by voters, making them accountable to party elites instead of citizens. 

This weakens their political legitimacy and limits their ability to influence policy. Reserved seats ensure numerical presence but do not guarantee voice, authority, or leadership.

The broader political environment also discourages women’s participation. Electoral politics in Bangladesh is expensive, confrontational, and frequently violent. Money, muscle power, intimidation, and harassment are common features of political competition. 

Women face additional barriers in the form of social expectations, security risks, character attacks, and online abuse. At the same time, women continue to bear the primary responsibility for household and caregiving work, making long term political engagement more difficult.

Together, these factors create a political culture that systematically excludes women from mainstream power.

A democracy that fails to include half of its citizens in meaningful decision making cannot claim to be representative or inclusive.

International experience clearly shows that women’s political inclusion is neither accidental nor symbolic but the outcome of deliberate and sustained institutional choices. 

In Rwanda, constitutional reforms and reserved seats have enabled women to hold a majority of parliamentary positions. Sweden and Norway have advanced gender equality through voluntary party quotas, proportional representation, and inclusive political cultures. In India, women have risen to national, state, and local leadership through direct elections despite deep social challenges. 

Similarly, Spain, Mexico, South Africa, and Nepal have expanded women’s representation through legal mandates, quotas, and party reforms. Together, these cases confirm that women’s political empowerment grows when democratic institutions are strong, parties are accountable, and equality is actively promoted.

For Bangladesh, increasing women’s political participation requires structural reform rather than token measures. 

Political parties must democratize their internal structures and ensure women’s representation in executive committees and candidate nominations. 

Reserved seats should be reformed to allow direct elections and clear constituency accountability. Financial and institutional support must be provided to women candidates, and strong legal mechanisms must protect women from political violence and harassment.

Equally important is transforming social attitudes. Women should be recognized not as political exceptions or dynastic figures but as rightful political actors whose leadership is rooted in history and struggle.

Women helped free the country from colonial rule, resisted authoritarianism, and fought for independence. Their exclusion from mainstream politics is a failure of political institutions to honour their contribution.

Bangladesh was built through collective sacrifice and popular resistance in which women stood at the frontlines. True democracy will remain incomplete until women are not only symbols of power at the top but active participants at every level of political life.

Shahiduzzaman is a freelance contributor.

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