Since the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s regime, although the Jatiyo Party initially tried to establish their presence in favour of the movement, the party chairman GM Quader has been bashed for not only being Hasina and Delhi’s stooge, but also because he did not even make the minimum effort of resigning from the parliament as the opposition leader, when lethal weapons were killing hundreds.
As the interim government took over, it made a point not to include the Jatiyo Party in any of its reformation projects, nor did it ask for their recommendations, solely because of their role in undermining the democratic process and aiding Hasina in becoming an autocrat.
However, from time to time, although certain parties that were pro-July had made demands to ban the activities of the Jatiyo Party, just like Hasina's Awami League, they failed to be consistent (or rigid) with the call. Thus, the Jatiyo Party has been conducting regular operations (although somewhat under pressure with attacks on their headquarters and their assemblies), and is preparing for the elections in February.
It is worth mentioning that, although criminal cases were filed against GM Quader on his alleged involvement with some murders during the July protests, the cases lack merit. Surprisingly, not a single case was brought against him at the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT). The ICT Act 1973 explicitly mentions in Section 2(h) that the failure to prevent the commission of crimes against humanity is also a punishable offence.
BNP’s stance
Unlike others, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has not been outspoken on the ban of the Jatiyo Party. In fact, in an arson attack on the Jatiyo Party’s office in the recent past, the BNP had publicly issued a condolence message.
As the ousted League's counterpart, activists of the BNP throughout almost 17 years had suffered the most, subjected to political imprisonments, enforced disappearances, and even murder. Their voices were suppressed, and even their distant relatives would be deprived of government opportunities, despite their qualifications.
So, the answer to the question, why BNP is so soft towards the Jatiyo Party, is basically two-fold:
- It is essential that the election is perceived as not only free and fair, but also "inclusive" to the international community. After Hasina, banning activities of the Jatiyo Party might make the upcoming election seem partisan, containing just the July forces with zero tolerance for other opinions.
- Banning activities of the Jatiyo Party would make BNP a political puppet, since the other parties would threaten not to participate in the polls if the BNP refrains from negotiating with them, on the number of seats BNP might be willing to not pin their candidates at. Whereas, on the other hand, a guarantee of Jatiyo Party's participation no longer compels BNP to sit at the table for seat sharing.
Why do Jamaat and others support the ban?
There is no doubt to the fact that the Jatiyo Party has always been considered the third largest political force, and with an exception of Jamaat-e-Islami, every other party including the newly formed National Citizens’ Party (NCP) and Gonoodhikar Parishad, all inclusively together, still do not have the kind of muscle power and well-structured root level seasoned committees as the Jatiyo Party.
With both the Awami League and the Jatiyo Party out of the picture, Jamaat is highly likely to make it in the upcoming parliament as the opposition. NCP leaders, on the other hand, have not created enough pressure to ban the activities of the Jatiyo Party. After leading such a massive movement that toppled Hasina, their apparent overconfidence has led them to assume that the Jatiyo Party will not be a significant factor, which is a cause for concern. Even more likely, rumour has it that they are in talks of seat-sharing with the BNP.
The party that had literally gone into a physical altercation with activists of the Jatiyo Party, and has been vocal regarding the ban, is Gonoodhikar Parishad. In a recent exchange of attacks, the law enforcement had interfered and beaten Gonoodhikar’s head, Nurul Haq Nur, to the extent that he had to be sent to Singapore Hospital for better treatment. However, after Nur's health improved, he has also noticeably been quieter than expected, particularly in his stance on banning the Jatiyo Party -- most likely because he has secured a seat for himself with “blessings” from the BNP, as an ally.
BNP's so-called mature politics
BNP’s stance on not banning the Awami League or the Jatiyo Party might seem like a mature one, especially since they are the party that lost thousands of activists in crossfires and beatings during the Hasina regime.
It is evident that the BNP is more interested in elections than in any sort of reforms, party ban, need for referendums, or other changes, as they are fully prepared for the likelihood of winning an overwhelming majority in the absence of the Awami League.
In fact, they are so hungry for power that some members of the BNP even made headlines right after Hasina’s fall, for their comments on being comfortable with the severely tailored constitution (which curtails democratic rights) imposed by Hasina.
Their argument for requiring people to have a direct impact on any changes, which is possible solely through the voting process, is entirely understandable. On the other hand, seeming like a “mature” political party that values democracy, is tolerant, and is not revengeful, and is prepared to listen to even those outside the July bubble, in favour of inclusivity, all are understandably priorities for the BNP.
Hence, giving the space to Jatiyo Party to operate, and not being in favour of prosecuting GM Quader, is only in the BNP's best interest, although even non-political personnel have lately been picked up by the law enforcement for their slightest affiliation with the Awami League.
As the currently largest political party, BNP’s support for the Jatiyo Party and Quader, for their own best interest, would mean that the Jatiyo Party would participate in the polls. Needless to say, a significant number of the Awami League’s votes would shift towards the Jatiyo Party, since the hardcore Awami League voters would have no other place to cast their ballots.
Suppose the Jatiyo Party makes it to parliament as the main opposition. In that case, it will be the first time in 17 years that they will genuinely participate, rather than coming through any negotiation. However, we may, unfortunately, witness Awami League leaders in the parliament under the guise of Jatiyo Party, and I hope the BNP is ready to take responsibility (or the blame).
Saquib Rahman is an Advocate, political analyst, and the editor of Progress Magazine. He also teaches law at North South University. Opinions expressed are the writer's own.
