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বাংলা
Dhaka Tribune

Are we experiencing a ‘mobocracy?’

The current and prospective administrations and civil society must confront the propagation of archaic, intolerant, and aggressive cultural norms

Update : 23 Sep 2024, 12:57 PM

After the sudden departure of Sheikh Hasina, many people hoped the new government would bring democracy, human rights, and the rule of law to the nation. However, some concerning developments have surprised both critics of the previous regime and supporters of the current administration. It is important to understand why this is the case.

The country has never been known for its discipline or obedience. This was true during the precolonial, colonial, and Pakistani periods. Unfortunately, this has continued since gaining independence. This phenomenon has many historical and cultural reasons, such as alienation from the state and exploitation by corrupt elites and state machinery. The lack of mutual trust and respect has further aggravated the situation.


However, the Hasina regime's unabashed nurturing of the Chhatro League as a quasi-Gestapo vigilante outfit that openly carried firearms, along with the partisan and corrupt police force to intimidate and eliminate opposition supporters for more than a decade and a half up to August 5, turned many into professional gangsters. Corruption, rusticity, and violence are contagions. Political parties and their respective student and youth groups haven’t been immune to them.

I want to highlight three troubling incidents that happened recently: The brutal killing of a mentally-disabled young man by Dhaka University students, violent clashes among worshippers at the Baitul Mukarram mosque, and the unauthorized oath-taking ceremony at ShahJalal University of Science and Technology. These events beg the question: Is Bangladesh, which recently overthrew a quasi-fascist government, struggling to establish democracy, human rights, and the rule of law?

The killing of Tofazzal, a mentally-disabled individual who was accused of theft and subsequently beaten to death by students at Dhaka University, has been widely circulated, especially over social media. It is concerning that some of the students involved were reportedly associated with the previous ruling party. Police have already arrested six of the alleged killers. Ensuring swift and exemplary punishment for them and their counterparts anywhere in the country should be the need of the hour.

More than 20 students brutally beat him to death despite his constant denials. Six of them were allegedly members of the Chhatro League. The gruesome incident has two deeply disturbing aspects: Several cheering students recorded the barbaric torture that led to Tofazzal's death. Furthermore, leaders of the lynching mob, who were students, demanded ransom from the victim's uncle over the phone.

It's inaccurate to suggest that the violent incident is a result of highly partisan student politics in the country. The victim wasn't a student either. While students in Dhaka and other universities in Bangladesh have been involved in student politics for over two decades during the Pakistani period, there are to my knowledge no records of students killing each other or anyone else before the emergence of Bangladesh. However, politicians' Machiavellian political manipulation of students, along with the lowering of the overall standard of education, politicization of the judiciary, police, civil, and military administration, and the polarization of the nation into privileged cronies and underprivileged opponents, are the root causes of the strange and violent behaviours exhibited.

The exploitation of students for political purposes by both ruling and opposition parties, particularly the Awami League, was prevalent from the late 1960s and has persisted beyond 1971. This included the provision of financial incentives and the provision of arms to coerce and assault political adversaries.

Although these incidents may seem different at first glance, they share common traits, characterized by excessively violent behaviour. They seem to lack shame and guilt. They lack mutual trust and respect.

Marx asserts that the unsophisticated adherents of oppressive leaders represent the “unchanging remnants of the past,” devoid of independent viewpoints.

The lynching moblike students, violent worshippers, and the student leader at ShahJalal University have internalized the violent behaviour being promoted by dishonest politicians since independence. 

Moblike lynching of petty thieves, suspects, and even innocent people (who might hold variant political or religious views) is in fact widespread in all pre-modern countries.

Violence in the name of religion or particular religious leaders, groups, or sects is also endemic in developing nations. The Baitul Mukarram incident on Friday is a glaring example of the second category of violence in the name of religion. 

The student leader who conducted the oath taking ceremony of two very high university officials also represents premodern rusticity, akin to a megalomaniac supremo, devoid of refinement, self-respect, shame, and respect for his teachers. Each of the three behaviours represents the violence and defiance of authorities.

The current and prospective administrations and civil society must confront the propagation of archaic, intolerant, and aggressive cultural norms to facilitate the transformation of the Bangladeshi populace into liberal, contemporary, tolerant, urban, and educated individuals. This transformation is crucial for the establishment of enduring peace and advancement.

 

Taj Hashmi, PhD, FRAS, is a retired professor of Security Studies at the APCSS, US and is a historian-cum-cultural anthropologist and security analyst. Email: [email protected].

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