Bangladesh is being led by a globally renowned Nobel laureate Professor Mohammad Yunus. The very thought of this excites me. In this situation, there is no alternative to everyone's commitment and utmost effort to build an expected meritocracy free of discrimination and a corruption-free Bangladesh. While this presents a great opportunity for the nation, it is also incredibly challenging. In the aftermath of the mass uprising in the 1990s, we participated at the forefront, risking our lives, but later failed to realize the promise of the uprising. We were left disheartened.
Now, a new hope has emerged. If we do not learn from past mistakes and fail to bring about fundamental reforms to fulfill public aspirations and hold all forms of corruption accountable, we will once again face disappointment in constructing a discrimination-free state.
While we can practice equitable admissions for undergraduate students at public universities, why can’t we establish a discrimination-free system for the recruitment of university teachers, officials, employees, and even the vice chancellor? I believe that an immediate need exists for the practice of meritocracy, free from political influence, in all institutions, including universities. Any recruitment of teachers made based on money or political considerations, which deprives the deserving, must be thoroughly investigated, and necessary actions taken. Since the fall of the autocratic regime in the 1990s, the process of depriving the meritorious has been steadily increasing. Consequently, not a single university from our country has made it to the list of the top 500 universities worldwide. The prevalence of the incompetent at all levels has led us to this shameful position.
We must stop the politics of student and teacher affiliations and create opportunities for students to develop into leaders through various club activities, internships, and problem-solving with the application of acquired knowledge. If the current interim government desires, it can start reforms from our universities and make the commitment to reform visible. This work can be accomplished in a short period. Visible reforms must be presented quickly to instill public confidence, which will influence our focus and empower the nation in this reform initiative.
A remarkable phenomenon is that immediately following the student uprising on August 5, almost all the vice chancellors, pro vice chancellors, treasurers, and administrative officials from public universities resigned or have gone into hiding. Why is this happening? Out of fear for their lives? Nevertheless, the administrative vacuum in the universities needs immediate resolution through swift measures. To quickly fill this void, the government can form a search committee composed of nationally and internationally esteemed teachers and researchers (both inside and outside the country) and assign the responsibility to recommend candidates within a month.
Now is the time for universities to take initiatives which can pave the way for sustainable development through world-class education, research, knowledge creation, knowledge practice, and knowledge translation. To cultivate skilled and critical thinkers, innovators, and entrepreneurial graduates, a commission is needed to fundamentally overhaul the current education system and elevate it to an international standard. In this regard, all stakeholders, especially the students, must be involved.
A significant challenge in practicing university autonomy is the inclusion of politicians, specifically members of parliament, in the highest governing body of the university (the syndicate). The core reason for party politics in universities is the opaque process in the appointment of vice chancellors, pro vice chancellors, and treasurers, along with the recruitment of political figures in the highest governing body (the syndicate). In most cases, merit and competency have not been considered in these appointments. There are even reports of substantial financial transactions involved. As a result, a vice chancellor behaves as if they are a major landlord. Isn’t a change in this situation urgently needed? If reforms are not made, difficult as it may be, we will not be able to elevate our universities to a world class level of education and knowledge.
Each of our universities has its own distinct laws, which may become obstacles to swift reforms. In that case, the government can bring changes to fundamental aspects such as the formation of the syndicate through a general ordinance by the president of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, ensuring that a vice chancellor never becomes a subservient party leader. In this regard, student representation in all boards/governing committees can be ensured.
The recent mass uprising of students has only crossed the initial hurdle. Fundamental reforms can be initiated from the universities that serve as the cradle of the student uprising. Alongside the reforms, there must be a transparent and impartial investigation into all forms of corruption occurring in the universities, allowing for appropriate justice for the crimes committed.
If we fail to fulfill public aspirations in this student uprising, that failure will be the failure of all Bengalis, all of Bangladesh. Therefore, irrespective of group, religion, or ethnicity, we must work together for the prosperity of our motherland. Let this be our final blood-stained uprising.
Tofazzal Islam is Founding Director, Institute of Biotechnology and Genetic Engineering (IBGE), Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Agricultural University and Fellow, World Academy of Sciences and Bangladesh Academy of Sciences. E-mail: [email protected].
