As an impressionable teenager, Dhaka in the 90s was a great place to grow up in. The urban divide was apparent among income classes much like in the present, but the ideological divide did not have much room for hate, violence, or heinousness as we are witnessing in the present.
The 90s began with the fall of an autocratic regime that reflected a milieu of political consensus and consciousness.
There was a sense of positivity and accomplishment exuded by the youth who believed that we were hallowed by a new beginning.
The debates between the left and the right were often centred around each side’s perspective on equity, justice, governance, social system, and economic management.
The discourse hardly ever included the issue of religion or anything pertaining to it as a focal point.
We would occasionally have discussions on religion and what it meant to us on a very personal level, but those discussions were almost never in the context of Bangladesh.
It did not matter what the constitution stated, the vast majority of the urban class of Bangladesh did not see religion as a defining factor or a possible game changer.
Fast forward to a decade down the line, and we have a starkly different scenario. The mainstream conversation has changed radically.
The concept of blissful pluralism that we urbanites took for granted is now often questioned. Manifestation of this new urban divide was apparent in the carnage that unfolded in Gulshan on the first day of July.
There were whispers of urban radicalisation which we conveniently decided to ignore simply out of smugness and impudence.
We were convinced that we outnumber them by many, and hence they will not be able to penetrate our tightly wound social fabric built on belief and general tolerance.
The extent of barbarism and misguided single-mindedness displayed by the attackers of the Holey Artisan Bakery has shattered that notion to pieces.
The stray killings around the country preceding the Gulshan attack had most of us concerned, but did not substantially deplete our general sense of security. This is where they have managed to strike now with purpose and audacity. They have managed to promulgate fear coupled with mistrust.
Hence, it is imperative that we no longer assume that our youth and our children inherently share our conception of a tolerant and pluralistic Bangladesh. We must admit there is a weakness plaguing our youth
They are telling us that the upper echelon of the Bangladeshi society is not beyond their agenda as well. The identity of at least three of the attackers reveals that they belonged to the affluent class much like the victims of the tragedy.
So what has led to such decay that exposes our urban youth to such violent doctrines? What are the factors that led to this seismic change in the thought process of a considerable portion of our youth in just over a decade?
While there might be no specific answers to these questions, there is no denying the fact that a sense of complacency seemed to have taken refuge in our society for a while now.
The urban class is often labelled as the “critical mass” or the “opinion shapers,” but a deep analysis of our thought process will reveal that at some point, we stopped striving.
We started believing that our liberal views were everlastingly preserved, and the battle against the radicals and the fundamentalists were won a long time ago.
We also believed that the radical elements that remained were mere remnants of a bygone era, and those who were subscribing to such doctrines were miniscule in number.
We automatically assumed that our children will adopt the liberal dogma that we adhere to, and cannot be swayed otherwise. Recent events have now dealt a deathly blow to that sense of comfort.
A liberal society is a work in progress. The process to attaining a pluralistic society must be inclusive and continuous. What is happening now in Bangladesh cannot merely be attributed to failing governance, incompetence, and inefficiency. The political class, despite its many flaws, cannot be held solely responsible for what is unfolding in Bangladesh.
When the urban youth of this country, equipped with the best possible education and resources are leaning towards such extremist views, we must admit that there is something fundamentally wrong in our society.
The first step must be to launch a concerted and comprehensive effort to ensure that the youth in our society feels to be a part of it despite varying differences.
This effort must be unrelenting and ongoing. The culture of shunning, alienating, or ignoring differing views must be bunged. There has to be a conversation across the board, and our politicians can lead by example here. Denial and complacency has already led us to this slippery predicament.
Hence, it is imperative that we no longer assume that our youth and our children inherently share our conception of a tolerant and pluralistic Bangladesh.
We must admit there is a weakness plaguing our youth which warrants the risk of an exposure and hence we must approach it with sagacity and calm.
I must reiterate that I do not exclusively blame our sense of complacency and comfort for the adverse course our society is taking today, but it is something that we have control over.
If the state has the responsibility to protect us, then it is our responsibility to simply wake up. It is the least we can do.
In Bangladesh the notion of secularism should not be merely political capital. Again our complacency is partly to blame for this development, and it needs to be reclaimed by us.
The fact is, we are losing the Bangladesh that imbibed me with optimism and pride as a teenager and we must first admit it.
The urban landscape in terms of ideals, thoughts, and tolerance are showing signs of decay, and we must not sit back anymore.
The urban and the enlightened class of Bangladesh must again lead by example. It is time to be vigilant, moral, and tolerant. The time for complacency is indeed over. Our foundations are shaken, and nothing ever will be for granted.
