Through the 15th amendment to the constitution, the number of reserved seats for women in the parliament was increased to 50 from 45. In the 1972 constitution, 15 seats were reserved for women for 10 years with a view to increasing women’s participation in the country’s development. 300 elected members of the National Assembly elected 15 women members for the first 10 years. At that time, there were no women in the general seats of the parliament.
So it can be said that, without this step, the participation of women in the parliament could not be started. With this, the total number of members became 315. This was considered as a special privilege for women.
The idea was that women wouldn’t need this special privilege to come to the parliament after those 10 years; that they would be able to gain parliamentary seats through direct participation in general elections. But that didn’t happen. Women’s share in political leadership is still not significant. Despite the few who managed to be elected, the issue of women’s participation has largely remained dependent on this special consideration.
Later, the number of reserved seats for women increased from 15 to 30, then further from 30 to 45, and now it is 50. The context under which the quota system was introduced in 1972 should no longer apply. Back then, it was thought that this would pave the way for women to come to parliament by directly participating in the elections. But they remain confined to the provision of this “special privilege” even today. At this moment, the quota system is only working as an advantage for the majority party.
It is more beneficial for the ruling party than for the case of women’s empowerment or their participation, as it was meant to be. If they had contested for the seats through direct elections, they could have been more connected to the common people and, most importantly, they could participate in development activities in the constituency.
Now it turns out that women have to maintain a liaison with party leaders, and compete against other women in terms of relationships or lobbying to get a seat in the parliament. So, it can be questioned whether it really helps the empowerment of women to any extent.
Many states around the world have different kinds of special privileges or quota systems to help the disadvantaged. Normally, quota systems aim to bring forward disadvantaged groups to ensure them access, among other things. But Bangladesh’s political system, at this stage, seems far from achieving the goals that were visualised through the existing quota system. Now, the system has apparently been turned into a mechanism to achieve personal goals using networks and relationships.
It could take the possibility of women’s equal participation in politics even further from its original ambitions. Women’s employment opportunities are on the rise now, they are going out of the house to work, more than ever before. Despite that, it cannot be said that their decision-making power and empowerment has really increased. Despite the increase in participation of women in education and in the workplace, violence towards them has not really gone down. However, many people think the 50 reserved seats for women in parliament discourages them from coming to participate in elections.
Now, we must think about how many women can take part in elections, given the reserved seats. And if we consider the scope, we do not see much active participation of the 50 women MPs in the development activities of their areas. And again, our political reality breeds a hostile environment.
It can’t be said that the reserved seats are undermining the political empowerment of women by creating these problems, but it can be said that their development and empowerment are stuck in one place due to the quota system. So, to move forward, it is crucial to create a women-friendly political environment.
I think the quota system should be abolished in the future for the further empowerment of women in politics. But, of course, the sudden elimination of the quota system, without creating a level playing field first, would be another setback for our expected development.
We see some women, like the current prime minister and the former opposition leader, who became parliament members through directly participating in elections. However, we also need to remember that the number is not high. As long as they don’t compete directly, they will never be able to clinch victory. By giving emphasis on direct participation in the general elections instead of increasing reserved seats, all the problems that still exist can be identified and solved accordingly.
Otherwise, the matter of empowerment of women will not go further. The quota system without elections has many limitations: First, in this method, there is no election -- the reserved seats are filled by nominations. Secondly, the area is not determined for women MPs. As a result, the opportunity of representing the people of the constituency, as per qualifications and competence, never comes around. Third, as they do not have the opportunity to take part in the elections and fulfill the qualifications, a group of top politicians utilise these reserved seats to reap their own political benefits by using them as a tool.
So, these seats are distributed in exchange for benefits, or as a token sign. Connection is more important than qualification. And the reserved seats ultimately become ornamental.
To my knowledge, in 23 countries, 30% or more seats are reserved for women in the parliament, but in these countries, they directly take part in the election under the quota system.
Also, it is not too outlandish to think that there can be a direct election among women candidates for reserved seats before the elimination of the quota system. If this method proves to be effective, and a level playing field can be assured, then the existing quota system could eventually be replaced.
Another thing that can be added in this regard is that a minimum number of women candidates can be made mandatory for each political party to take part in the election. Article 28(4) contains a reference to the special privileges of the disadvantaged population.
Considering the principles and the fundamental rights mentioned in the constitution, political parties can reach a consensus on nominating a minimum number of women candidates to participate directly in the general election.
