This is a common spectacle now. You will see them all lined up at the back of the room -- the video cameras resting on their stands. A little logo will tell you which TV channel each belongs to. The cameramen and reporters would be loitering around and those without the luxury of a stand would wait patiently with the cameras on their arms. You could judge by the number of cameras how important the event is.
And then the ritual would start. As soon as the main participants, ie, the host of the event, the chief guest, and now increasingly also a special guest, have taken their seats, you will see a scramble. The cameras would be taken off the stands and, displaying complete indifference to the other participants, the cameramen would rush to the front, block the views for everyone else, and take the customary shots of the distinguished guests at the head table. They will then suddenly retreat to the back, some more slowly than others, waiting for the next photo opportunity. And that comes when the keynote presentation is made.
If you have been to one of these events you would know that I am talking about the dialogues of Dhaka -- these unique arrangements, a hybrid between a social and a professional event, and now an integral part of Dhaka's social calendar. The Dhaka dialogues can be on a variety of topics and are now increasingly organized by all sorts of institutions. Some are open and some are by invitation only. The latter are often craved for, as much as the best embassy receptions and the grandest weddings in town.
Later that evening, if you watch the TV coverage of the event, you will agree that the temporary inconveniences caused by the cameramen's rituals are worth it. The paparazzies do play a useful role. These events receive significant coverage in the media. Some are the staple of headlines.
The extensive coverage brings the news of the discussions to households all over the country. The viewers obviously get only the tip of the iceberg, but the constant bombardment does sensitize them to the issues. The dialogues have built widespread awareness in the country on many issues of social importance. In the process, some of the most prominent participants (and organizers) of the dialogues have become household names -- a privilege enjoyed by very few of their counterparts in other countries.
While many organizations are now arranging such dialogues, the leader in this, and whose name itself suggests it, is the Centre for Policy Dialogue. Known more widely by its acronym, CPD, the Centre was set up in 1993 by the venerable Prof Rehman Sobhan. This year, CPD is celebrating the 30 years of its existence.
About 15 years ago, ie, at the midpoint of CPD's journey from its birth till now, I went to have a chat with Prof Sobhan at the Dhanmandi offices of the Centre, not far from the house where the father of the nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, had lived and died. Rehman Sobhan had been very close to the great helmsman, having served as his unofficial economic adviser during the sixties and as one of his top economic planners after independence. It is somewhat poignant that, many years later, Prof Sobhan is operating from a building not far from the one which he frequented in those heady days.
The idea of setting up the CPD came to Prof Sobhan following his experience with the task forces in 1991. General Ershad had just been ousted by a popular movement which ended his almost ten-year old rule. Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed had succeeded him as interim President and he, and his 10-member council of advisers, had been tasked with the mandate of organizing a free and fair election that would pave the way for a democratic regime after a decade of autocratic and quasi-autocratic rule. Although not officially termed as such, this was effectively the first caretaker government of the country. Professor Sobhan was the adviser in charge of the Planning Ministry.
The council had a limited mandate, but Rehman Sobhan had an eye on the future. The promise of democracy after a long absence had got him excited. In some ways, there was a feeling of déjà vu. Prof Sobhan felt an exhilaration almost like the one which had animated him as a member of the country's first Planning Commission. 20 years later, even when the flame had been extinguished from the hearts of many of his comrades, Professor Sobhan had not lost his enthusiasm and optimism. He was not going to be content just holding the helm for three months.
“I thought that it would be worthwhile to work out a vision of development with specific action plans for the incoming government to implement -- this would be our legacy for the new administration” -- Professor Sobhan told me. He had thought it was a particularly apt thing for him to do given that he held the planning portfolio.
So, he started calling. In a herculean effort that must have boosted the revenues of the Bangladesh Telephone and Telegraph Board (the mobile telecoms had not yet emerged), he called about 250 top experts of the country inviting them to join one of the two dozen task forces that he intended to set up to write the vision and action plans. Some responded immediately, wanting to know if they could start work the next day. Some took a little time but came back inspired, a few required a little bit of cajoling. But almost all came.
The subjects of the task forces covered a wide range -- from environment to monetary policy, from the energy sector to reviving the jute industry. Each had several members. The task force members produced valuable reports on their assigned topics. The substantial effort was entirely voluntary. Not a single dime was paid to these top-notch experts, every hour of whose time would have fetched a hefty fee had they been in the consulting mode.
These reports were subsequently published in four volumes by the University Press Limited. It is striking how relevant much of this writing remains today. This is partly because, in many areas, successive governments have failed to take the actions that were required. But partly it is also a testimony to the depth of knowledge and breadth of perspective of the experts.
“The experience with the Task Forces in 1991 had a profound impact on me” -- Prof Sobhan told me, “It confirmed the existence of a huge reservoir of knowledge and expertise which could be mobilized at relatively low cost for the service of the nation. This had inspired me.”
But the inspiration was only part of the story; there was concern too. Prof Sobhan continued: “At the same time, I was struck by the degree to which the many years of autocratic rule had created a culture of intolerance, and an indifference to dialogue, and pursuit of consensus on important national issues.”
Two years after this experience, Prof Rehman Sobhan established the Centre for Policy Dialogue in 1993. The CPD's website declares in no unclear terms what led to its creation and what motivates its work.
“CPD's activism originates from a conviction that it is hardly possible to promote the effective governance needed for a successful implementation of development policies without establishing domestic ownership over our policy agendas. We believe that loss of ownership over national policy agendas to our principal aid donors was an important factor in the deterioration in the quality of governance in Bangladesh.”
Sound policy making requires a certain degree of policy discourse in a country, where various stakeholders diagnose problems through solid research and come up with policy positions which they then present and defend in front of other stakeholders. A healthy debate and dialogue, and input from a wide range of stakeholders, provides the government with rich guidance on how to proceed and an assurance that the policy actions will enjoy a reasonable degree of support.
It also provides strong signals to the government about the expectations from society; signals that a democratic government will find difficult to ignore. One can't say this better than CPD itself whose website declares: “The absence of informed policy discussion on important public issues severely jeopardize the credibility of public policies, limit their acceptability, and undermine their efficacy.”
The CPD dialogues are well structured. Usually, a position paper will be prepared on the subject, sometimes in-house, sometimes by inviting a relevant expert. There will be several special invitees, representing various stakeholders. The composition would vary depending on the subject; for example, if the subject is investment or some other private sector related issue, one would see a fair number of businesspeople. A dialogue on basic service delivery, such as health or education, would see a disproportionately large number of NGOs.
The hallmark of CPD dialogues is the bringing together of politicians from across the spectrum. If it is an important subject, the relevant minister is likely to be the chief guest with an important leader from the main opposition party (perhaps an ex-minister with the same portfolio) as a special guest. Some of the politicians with an intellectual bias or strong interest in policy analysis will be frequent participants. The media will be there in big numbers.
The evening of the dialogue, as they sit in front of their TVs or browse the internet, or next morning as they read their newspapers, those unable to come to the dialogue will get a flavour of what was discussed -- and, sometimes of what was not said, or said differently.
The media coverage of these events is not always truthful and there is a tendency to dramatize things. So, some comments may be reported out of context, some side-comments may get more publicity than substantive ones.
Notwithstanding these, the Dhaka dialogues (and now increasingly those outside Dhaka also) have indeed played an important role in building awareness on many important social and economic issues. Not only people who participate, but also those who learn about it through the media, will often discuss these in the many addas, weddings, and receptions that go on in Dhaka city every week, and in tea stalls, press clubs and newspaper offices in small town Bangladesh.
Through these unofficial, impromptu chats, the word will spread. Sitting in his office in Dhanmandi, or his home in Gulshan, Prof Rehman Sobhan will not be privy to these conversations, but he will know that, throughout the country these mini dialogues are helping to realize, at least partially, that vision of popular participation in policy related discussions that had inspired him to start the CPD dialogues.
The CPD dialogues have achieved a lot. But quite a bit of the promise has remained unfulfilled. Talking to me fifteen years ago, Prof Sobhan lamented several things -- the declining interest in informed policymaking among policy makers and politicians, the many distractions of the professional classes which are preventing them from being serious participants at the dialogues, the scarcity of single-issue advocates who are willing to doggedly pursue a single set of issues till they are satisfactorily resolved, and the continuing schism between researchers and policymakers.
“I do not see any strong interest in the senior policymakers, nor among the politicians, to seek out professionals and tap their knowledge and insights in order to formulate policies or even their debating points in parliament,” lamented Prof Sobhan.
Echoing something I had also heard several times from another venerable Bangladesh economist, the late Prof Nurul Islam, Prof Sobhan went on: “It was not the case in the fifties or sixties, or the first half of the seventies when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman led the government. Sheikh Mujib himself is a case in point. In the fifties, and in the sixties, he would routinely seek us out and obtain our views. And, later, when we were in government together, both Sheikh Mujib and Tajuddin Ahmed would be constantly asking for input from us. I do not see that happening nowadays; certainly not to that extent.”
That was Professor Rehman Sobhan's lament fifteen years ago. Sadly, he will probably say the same today.
Syed Akhtar Mahmood is an economist, previously with an international development agency.
