President Yahya’s announcement of an RTC on March 10 appeared in this atmosphere to be almost surrealistic. It completely ignored the climate of opinion in the province which was hardly propitious for detached conversation with tribal maliks and the sole representatives of such pre-historic entities like the Jamaat and even the Convention Muslim League, not to mention Mr. Bhutto himself.
Mujib’s refusal to attend the RTC did not require much discussion. By this time the situation was becoming untenable for the regime as the authority of the administration ground to a halt and its influence extended only within the range of its guns.
Not only had the hartals brought the province to a standstill, but the administration itself began to join the people in the non-cooperation movement. Civil servants, judges, and other government officials were willingly staying away from work and actively pledging their loyalty to the people’s representatives.
This reached its climax when not even a judge could be found to administer the oath to the new governor, Lt. Gen. Tikka Khan, on his arrival.
The extent of unity behind Shekih Mujib and the degree of non-cooperation with the rulers is without parallel in the history of the freedom movement in this sub-continent and must be a sobering thought to the rulers.
Sobriety however takes time to have its impact. Meanwhile, the killings went on. Firing on unarmed workers in Tongi, on demonstrators in Jessore, Khulna and other outlying areas continued to add to the pantheon of martyrs.
Whilst some looting and communal disturbance went on, the security forces rarely got to the scene on time and it was left to Awami League volunteers to apprehend and attempt to restore loot to the owners.
By the third night their volunteers, at least in Dacca, had enforced a degree of law and order which had proved quite beyond the capability of the gun-toting military convoys who had formerly policed the city.
The withdrawal of the security forces from the centre of the city to strategic redoubts around the airport and cantonment was thus as much a reflection of reality on the ground as it was tribute to the sense of discipline of the people.
The gradual collapse of authority, along with the unanimous and resolute response of the people in support of their leaders and against the oppressors, was expected to invoke a rational response from the regime.
Instead, in his broadcast of March 6, which first surprised and then outraged the whole populace of Bangla Desh, Yahya attempted to blame the leaders of the people and attributed this uprising to the act of a handful of arsonists, vandals, and murderers.
The fact that the progenitor of the crisis, Mr. Z. A. Bhutto, got off scot free in this blanket indictment, indicated that his tactic of closing ranks with the ruling elite had paid off.
Bangla Desh’s demands were now confronted with the language of weapons as one of the reputedly most hawkish elements in the power elite was pulled in as governor to replace Admiral Ahsan who had refused to carry the responsibility for the consequences of the postponement any longer.
