The political front, or for that matter, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has fallen quiet, thanks to the policies of the Awami League government. There has been a continuous process of legal forces applied on the BNP leaders. They found it tough to meet political commitments and handle legal matters at the same time. The stress had been a bit too much.
Of late, Tarique Rahman, who also happens to be second-in-command of BNP, has been saying lots of things. In less than a week, he has come out with a lot of interesting information and political thoughts.
He informs us that Ziaur Rahman had no hand in the killing stratagem of the Mujib family; he did not play any part in the Mushtaque government that took the reins following the killing of Bangabandhu; the subsequent constitutional acts and regulations that were passed by the Mushtaque and Sayem governments were also independent of Zia’s influence and power. Only at a later stage did he become the chief martial law administrator and then the president of the country.
Following this, the AL sprang to its feet. The pro-AL writers at once came up with historical data and facts taunting Tarique. But they acknowledged that Zia was indeed not the president during those times when major changes were brought about in the post-1975 promulgations.
Till today, many are of the opinion that Ziaur Rahman may not have been involved in the conspiracy and killing of Mujib and others. But Zia found himself enjoying the ultimate benefits of the crises that followed during post-1975 August. Maybe he never harboured anything against Sheikh Mujib, but was an ambitious person in his own way.
History is plain about Zia’s rise and fall. The beneficiary was the general, who was then popular with a section of the army. He was also a smart soldier who handled things with deft. When he started speaking publicly, he did not say a word against anybody. He concentrated on his power and programs. He talked about economic reforms and the perseverance of the people.
Inside his political sphere, he had to negotiate mostly scary situations. Mutinies had to be tackled – some ruthlessly, others calmly. Compromise and power-wielding processes were applied to bring peace to the sociopolitical front. BNP was formed to make things customary. Almost immediately, it became a household name.
So, however hard one tries to expunge Zia from history, perhaps it won’t be possible. Rather, the anti-Zia households would do well to concentrate building their homes with politics.
Whenever there is any challenge to our history that is at odds with the AL’s beliefs, they should come up with well-intended and authentic information to counter those. When we witness AL stalwarts jump like young bloods and cast aspersions on Tarique and his family for any statement they make, we find it to be a pathetic rejoinder. AL should commit itself in responding prudently and in a convincing manner.
Tarique Rahman is not the only disconcerting ingredient for the government and the AL. Now the party has its own members putting the government and the party in a tongue-tied situation. AK Khandaker, who was second-in-command of forces during the liberation war, and one of the revered ministers of the last AL government, has come up with his account of Bangladesh’s history.
His book, which is now in its second edition, informs us that Bangabandhu ended the March 7 speech by saying “Joi Pakistan” after “Joi Bangla.” This claim has been strongly refuted by the AL and its allies and a section of the media.
Instantaneously, all hell broke loose in parliament. The leaders called for his head. They demanded that AK Khandaker be charged with sedition for distorting history. They demanded proscription of the book. One minister even burnt a copy. The rage continues.
However, as a natural reaction, the BNP is happy to grab the opportunity to tease the AL over – as they call it – unwarranted claim over everything that was pre- and post-1971.
Why the AL reacts to everything in this manner is hard to conceive. One wonders why their temper is sparked so easily. Even if the claim made by AK Khandaker is wrong, let the party come up with an authentic response and clear the clouds. Let them prove him wrong.
Writing something that is not right cannot be termed as treason. It is rather the AL incitement that is creating unnecessary confusion over the issue and a natural compassion for the writer.
The finance minister has expressed surprise over the bedlam raised on the issue. He said the demand for banning the book is not correct. Rather, they should come up with their information to counter the claim. Muhith said he was not in favour of outlawing books.
With time, the government is speeding towards absolutism. Recent steps to empower the parliament to impeach judges, the broadcasting policy, and the irrational outburst of intolerance towards any opposition to its standing and policies are sure signs of constitutional despotism.
