In 2012, during our visit to Argentina for the World Sociology Forum, I had a memorable conversation with the hotel receptionist one evening. Knowing my background in sociology, she promptly brought up Richard Sennet's The Fall of Public Man, a book she had read. Her interest in intellectual matters impressed me.
Strolling through the streets of Buenos Aires, a remarkably walkable city, I stumbled upon charming cafes adorned with books for patrons. The idea of enjoying a coffee in the company of a book encapsulated the city's intellectual ambiance. This was further emphasized as I noticed numerous advertisements featuring characters from The Simpsons, my favorite TV show, scattered throughout the city. Upon inquiry, I learned that The Simpsons held the title of the most popular show in Argentina at that time. To me, that was a testament to the intellectual vibrancy of the place.
So, when the news came that Javier Milei has won the presidential election and he will be sworn in on December 10, I was somewhat puzzled. My bafflement turned into fear when Trump congratulated Milei adding that he would “truly make Argentina great again.” Former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro was also quick to offer felicitations as did right wing leaders from Spain and Chile.
Investors too welcomed Milei’s win. Argentine-related stocks rose in trading outside the country.
Just by watching the media coverage of the Argentine presidential election campaign, it appeared to me that Javier Milei is a three-way cross between Donald Trump and Boris Johnson and the foul-mouthed Duterte, the former president of the Philippines.
Milei is an economist (of sorts) and an author of many popular books. He is irreverent, a quality shared by his fellow travellers Bolsonaro, Trump, Johnson, and Duterte. He also shares Boris Johnson’s unkempt hairstyle.
One hundred leading economists wrote an appeal urging Argentinians not to elect him. This is both unusual and astounding. The list included Thomas Piketty, Jayati Ghosh, and Branco Milanovic among others. The list is impressive. Yet, the tide for the right was not affected. Milei once called Piketty, a renowned economist of the Paris School of Economics, “a criminal disguised as an economist.” Like Trump, he has no filter.
Like Trump, Milei also was a television personality. His flamboyant personality was once a goalkeeper, university lecturer, and economic consultant, a band member, and a free-marketeer to the extent that he is a self-proclaimed “anarcho-capitalist.” He wants to do away with the Central Bank of Argentina.
While many in developing countries are thinking of de-dollarization, his view is the opposite: The dollarization of the Argentinian economy. More ominously, he threatened to cut relations with Brazil and China and not take on the invitation to join as one of the six additional members of BRICS. Even more dangerously, he is a climate change denier.
Populism often thrives on mass hysteria, overshadowing rationality and pragmatism. Milei's opponent, Massa, faced the uphill battle of incumbency, a position despised by populists who attribute societal ills to established leadership. Argentina's staggering 143% inflation rate, pushing 40% of its population into poverty, reflects the desperate circumstances that led to Milei's electoral success. However, the question remains: Will his presidency offer a genuine solution to the country's challenges?
Argentina had a long history of military dictatorship which finally came to an end with the military defeat at the hands of the British at the Falklands/Malvinas Island war in 1982. The military defeat, dramatized with the sinking of their ship Belgrano -- named after a famed general from another era -- proved the generals at the helm vulnerable and removed the halo of power, which paved the way for a return to democracy. Since then, Peronism ruled Argentina.
Argentina is associated with General Peron who ruled Argentina from 1946 to 1955 until his overthrow in a military coup. In 1973 Peron returned as president in an open election and, following his death one year later, his wife and then Vice President Isabela Peron took over as the president in 1974 but was overthrown by the military in 1976. Evita, a Broadway show, was made after Juan Peron’s first wife Eva, a popular First Lady, brought Argentina into the popular imagination. The song Do not cry for me Argentina from that show (hence, my title) was one of the most popular songs in the early 1980s.
The military dictatorship cast a dark period on Argentina when tens of thousands disappeared under the military rule prompting the formation of an organization by the mothers of those who had disappeared called “Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo”, and as we visited the park 11 years ago, we felt the agonies of those mothers.
The newly elected president is anti-Peronist. He is a crusader for the free market, who holds conservative positions (against abortion) but at the same time is pro-same sex marriage. He is pro-gun. And like Trump he lived an epicurean life saying he does not apologize for possessing male genitalia. His trademark was a chainsaw as he promised to cut various welfare programs.
The question now looms: can Milei's unorthodox policies effectively address Argentina's economic challenges? In Argentina, the public -- the civil society -- seems to have fallen. Now is the time to cry for Argentina.
Habibul Haque Khondker is a sociology professor at Zayed University, Abu Dhabi who previously taught at the National University of Singapore.
