The acting chairman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) announced a 27-point manifesto in December to bring changes in the constitution and the political system. The BNP claims these changes will usher in a “rainbow nation,” but there are glaring mistakes in the technicalities of these proposals. Bangladesh must avoid a Trojan horse.
To begin with, the BNP got the spelling of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights wrong; while the 27 points refer to a Universal Human Rights Charter, which presumably is not the same as the universal declaration adopted by the United Nations in 1948.
The BNP claims that it wants to introduce term limits for the president and prime minister. The constitution already guarantees a two-term limit for the president in Article 50 (2), which is coming into play for the first time with the end of the tenure of the incumbent president Abdul Hamid.
In the Westminster model, term limits for the office of the prime minister are unusual. The BNP's plan for term limits does not bar a person from returning to the presidency or premiership. The 27 points only spell out a limit of two consecutive terms.
The prospect of the BNP imposing term limits on the office of the prime minister is doubtful given the complete absence of intra-party democracy within the BNP itself. The rank and file of the party, as well as the senior leadership, are not enforcing the party constitution. If there are aggrieved members of the party, they can approach the courts to enforce the party constitution.
Section 7 of the BNP's party constitution explicitly prohibits a convicted person from leading the party and being a member of its standing committee. Both the chairperson and acting chairman of BNP continue to hold their posts despite being in violation of the party's constitution.
The BNP itself needs constitutional reforms, needless to say. Its party constitution has been paralyzed as its national convention has not been held in years. The BNP charter currently provides for 17 vice chairpersons and a senior vice chairman. While ostensibly corporatist, the internal structure of the BNP can be compared with the Workers Party of North Korea, which also has multiple vice presidents.
The BNP also claims that it wants a national unity government under the leadership of Tarique Rahman. In a recent interview with DW, BNP secretary-general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir indicated that any national government would exclude the Awami League and its allies.
How can there be a “national government” if the two largest parties in the country are not part of it?
It is irresponsible of the BNP to proclaim plans for social security and health care without budgetary details. Bangladesh cannot afford a ballooning budget deficit. Barring a few exceptions, the BNP leadership has a serious dearth of efficient economic managers for the country. As the world's eighth most populous nation, Bangladesh needs a wider pool of talent. The current leadership of the BNP is a non-starter in terms of prospects for democratic and economic reform.
As Bangladesh stands on the precipice of entering a new economic era, it needs wise and able hands to meet the aspirations of its people and guide the nation through turbulent times.
The rank and file of the BNP have to realize that four decades of the Zia stranglehold has to end. They are free to claim their rights under the party constitution. As a registered political party, the BNP is beholden to the law of the land.
Umran Chowdhury works in the legal field.
