The year was 1966 -- the Awami League had presented the six-point program of regional autonomy to the Pakistani military establishment headed by General Ayub Khan. Soon after, the top brass of the AL leadership, including the Party President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and its General Secretary Tajuddin Ahmed, were arrested -- with President Ayub hoping that these imprisonments would disintegrate the AL.
Yet, a certain Amena Begum, a mid-level leader active in organizational politics, was appointed as the acting general secretary of the party; she successfully kept the AL united and became instrumental in forming the basis of the 1971 Liberation struggle.
Amena Begum paved the way for many strong leaders to emerge from the face of chaos -- following the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib in 1975, politicians such as Zohra Tajuddin stood strong in the face of adversity in what were turbulent times for the AL. It took Sheikh Hasina 15 years to lead the AL back to power, following her election as the party president in 1981, yet in that time period, she established a strong legacy of fighting for democracy and the people.
Today, if the BNP is to take inspiration about what it means to fight back in the face of difficulty, they need to look no further than Begum Khaleda Zia herself -- when a frail Justice Abdus Sattar took over the presidency following the killing of General Ziaur Rahman, senior BNP leaders looked to the slain president’s widow to take over the helms of the party. That she did -- and in a matter of a few years became an undisputed leader in the Anti-Ershad movement, subsequently being elected as the first female prime minister of Bangladesh.
Today, the BNP, including members ranging from its EC to its local activists, have openly or tacitly accepted that they must share the blame for not being able to free their chairperson from prison -- Begum Zia languishes in jail for charges of corruption. Yet, the nature of politics in Bangladesh suggests that in cases such as this, the propensity of an anti-government movement often determines the ultimate fate of political leaders.
Under the umbrella of the Jatiya Oikya Front, the BNP went into an election in which they were underprepared -- the party lacked a manifesto with a clear-cut vision, and the controversial role of law enforcement agencies and pro-government activists did not help their cause either. The number of cases against BNP activists is alarming, both for the party and the state of democracy in general -- yet what is certain is that the BNP has transitioned towards a party which is increasingly complaining more about what they are going through, rather than addressing the severe institutional incapacities that they face today.
They have been unable to launch a movement, nor accumulate the resources needed to be vocal on the streets. Yes, the government has, in its own way, targeted the opposition via a series of legal measures, yet if the BNP claims to be a popular party in this country, it also has an obligation to reform its own inner workings and reach out to the common people.
One thing has been made certain regarding the state of the BNP -- it has no strong leader to lead the party out of its chaotic situation. Without Begum Zia, the BNP seems outright confused as to what kind of programs or strategies they will undertake in the near future -- the problem of dynastic politics and a lack of inner party democracy within our mainstream parties has resulted in a top down system of party governance.
When Begum Zia was not imprisoned, she made the calls, and her party leadership followed suit. The undemocratic nature of how our political parties function has made matters worse -- whilst BNP says that it is united to free their chairperson, media reports indicate a severe lack of trust and unity amongst the so-called collective leadership.
Perhaps it is time for BNP to consider ushering in a new era, where they practice the politics of presenting targeted policy schemes for the future of the country. As prime minister, Khaleda Zia had shortcomings for which she suffers today, yet her government made crucial strides in various avenues of education, trade, parliamentary reform, and diplomacy -- BNP should focus its energy on presenting an alternative version of how it perceives development, and do so by going to the people.
Institutionalizing inner party democracy in the party, through electing leaders in the various bodies and wings of the party, is another step that needs to be taken immediately. There are many young individuals waiting in line to be given an opportunity to work for the party, and their merit should be recognized through a system of elections and not by instructions sent from London.
Lastly, a large proportion of BNP’s energy has to be divested towards mediating with the government regarding Khaleda Zia’s status. The absence of Begum Zia has hurt the party categorically, and without her presence, it is difficult to see a situation in which BNP can do a turnaround.
Cutting ties with Jamaat-e-Islam, focusing on mitigating inner party problems, and creating a vision for the future in the spirit of the values enshrined in our constitution -- all of this in tandem with a smart yet strong movement to free their chairperson, might be the only way that BNP can be the force that it once was in this country.
Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed is a Recent Graduate in Economics and International Relations from The University of Toronto.
