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'We want to bring a group of youth to power through election'

Nasir Uddin Patwari was appointed as the convener of this committee. Bangla Tribune’s Abid Hasan spoke to him about what the citizens’ committee wants, how their activities will be conducted, and what are their thoughts on building Bangladesh in the future.

Update : 29 Oct 2024, 09:59 PM

The Jatiya Nagorik Committee was formed on September 8 to create a new political settlement in the changed situation after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led government on August 5. Nasir Uddin Patwari was appointed as the convener of this committee. Bangla Tribune’s Abid Hasan spoke to him about what the citizens’ committee wants, how their activities will be conducted, and what are their thoughts on building Bangladesh in the future.

Bangla Tribune: What was the state of people's aspirations to have led to the movement?

Nasir Uddin Patwari: The incident on August 5 wasn’t just a result of the past 14-15 years; it’s a journey that dates back to 1947 or even earlier. The people of this region have always desired a free and independent land, but in a larger sense, that remains elusive. Although a state was established, oppressive British-era laws continued to restrict human rights. The Constitution of 1972 was created from this historical and psychological context, yet it failed to protect human rights over the past 53 years. Numerous disappearances and killings have occurred, and the democratic aspirations of the people who sacrificed their lives on August 5 remain unfulfilled.

Another critical aspect is that people from all walks of life participated in this movement, driven by the hope for reduced inflation—an aspiration that remains unachieved. Even after the people's uprising, their yearning for freedom is unmet. We wanted a free Bangladesh at the cost of lives, and we envisioned it as a powerful nation, but these expectations are still unrealized.

How do you view the interim government’s role in preventing incidents like mob justice and attacks on temples and shrines?

From a systematic perspective, our administrative and state institutions were structured under a one-party BAKSAL system, all operating under one ruler. When she left, all systems collapsed. There were no institutions, and the police force was turned into a mercenary force that the people no longer trusted due to its acts of violence. Consequently, our law and order situation couldn’t improve. RAB was used for disappearances, killings, and torture, creating distrust towards other forces as well. As a result, mob justice could not be contained. But we also question why mob justice occurred in the first place.

For 53 years, freedom of expression was suppressed, but through the people’s uprising, this was restored, leading to an environment where everyone could voice their opinions. However, there was no organized group or political leadership behind our uprising, unlike other uprisings or revolutions worldwide. This absence led people to express their frustrations through mob justice.

The Jatiya Nagorik Committee is working to control these issues. We’re meeting with community leaders and anti-discrimination student activists to provide them reassurance and engage them in collective action.

Do you fear a counter-revolution?

The threat of a counter-revolution always exists. Through the people’s uprising, the fascist forces that had held power for 15 years were overthrown. This group, however, has tried to destabilize the nation by leveraging their pockets of influence. Neighboring India has also engaged in efforts to instigate a counter-revolution within and outside Bangladesh.

However, the public, driven by their spontaneous spirit, has resisted these counter-revolutionary forces with their lives.

How do you see the formation of a commission to amend the constitution?

The previous constitution was effectively invalidated through this revolution or people’s uprising. From that standpoint, the current constitution doesn’t reflect our aspirations anymore. The diverse groups that united in the movement have made it clear that we need a new constitution. A reform commission has been formed to address this, but if they merely make superficial changes, we won’t accept it. We expect the commission to engage with various community stakeholders and present their viewpoints to the nation, creating an inclusive new constitution that reflects the diverse voices of all people. If the commission only performs cosmetic reforms, it would conflict with the spirit of the people’s uprising, and we would launch an intense movement for a new constitution.

How much time should the interim government be given?

The timeline depends on how effectively they work. Our relationship with the interim government is based on accountability and review. They’re composed of reputable individuals from various parts of Bangladesh. We hope they avoid a slow pace in their work.

We want them to implement the people’s aspirations that emerged from the uprising quickly, then organize elections and transition power to an elected government. We can’t specify an exact timeline, but within two to three years, they should complete their tasks and hand over power. Otherwise, we may have to consider alternatives.

Which issues will the Nagorik Committee focus on, and what will the approach be?

Our focus is on the state. Political parties are only a small part of it; there are many other elements. The people’s uprising showed us the importance of mass participation, yet civil groups and law enforcement couldn’t fully participate due to being treated as mercenary forces. The Jatiya Nagorik Committee aims to ensure that citizens’ demands reach the government, whether through media, protests, or discussions with relevant commissions.

We now have spaces to speak out, including media and public forums. We’ll present the demands of the people’s uprising through these cultural and artistic platforms, ensuring these voices are heard by the government.

You have spoken about a political settlement. On what criteria will this be based?

The future of Bangladesh will be built on the strength of the popular uprising. Those who were responsible for the deaths of many people in this uprising and who have oppressed the public for the past 15-16 years will have no place in this settlement. Specifically, we want to emphasize that the people of Bangladesh are peace-loving. Anyone who disturbs this peace, regardless of their party or ideology, will be excluded from the upcoming settlement. However, that does not mean we will disregard these people entirely. Instead, we aim to bring them through a process of reconciliation towards a space of national harmony.

The fundamental condition of the future political settlement will be to exclude anti-uprising forces, along with any domestic or foreign allies who support them.

You mentioned the committee's commitment to work in villages, neighborhoods, and communities. How far have you progressed in this?

Since our formation on September 8, we organized a program at Shahbagh. We have also held events in Jatrabari with the families of martyrs and the injured. Committees have been formed in various wards of Dhaka, and we have established search committees to set up divisional and district-level committees, with progress reaching the upazila level. However, we face some challenges. One issue is battling the subscription culture of political parties as we try to organize the uprising’s idealistic supporters. We are working to establish a grassroots culture of politics that moves beyond mere muscle power.

Another challenge lies in gender representation. Our goal is for women to make up at least 25% of each committee, which requires time to organize and empower female participants. Apart from this, around 80% of the groundwork is complete.

After forming these committees, we plan to build a democratic body through a council of representatives from across the country, which will work on drafting a new constitution, building a new Bangladesh, and functioning as a resistance force.

On the day of your inauguration, you announced an eight-point agenda. How far have you reached with it?

Our primary aim is to honor the democratic aspirations of the martyrs and injured. We are working actively on this. Committees have been formed, and legal cases are underway to ensure justice for those responsible for the murders. A committee is maintaining communication with the families of martyrs and injured individuals.

We are also working on the rehabilitation of the injured. The citizens' committee is committed to this cause.

To revive the healthcare sector, we have formed a health committee and applied for medical arrangements at PG Super Specialized Hospital for the injured. We are conducting constitutional discussions in various forums.

Most of our committee formation processes are nearing completion, and our other activities are ongoing.

Another major goal was to fill the leadership gap in the social, religious, and economic spheres that has persisted for 15-16 years. We are regularly meeting with religious, social, and economic leaders, educating the young to lead in these areas.

Several universities have already banned student politics, while others want to see it continue. How will you create a political framework for the universities?

We believe universities are a foundational building block. Educated citizens who contribute to nation-building come from these institutions, so maintaining campus peace is essential. Over the past two or three decades, torture cells and partisan offices have become prevalent in universities. We aim to move past this culture and establish an environment conducive to education. We envision universities where student politics exists without partisan slogans or offices.

Is there a possibility of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee becoming a political party?

From the beginning, we clarified that this is not a political party but a political initiative. There is a general misconception about what constitutes a political initiative versus a political party. Only around 2-2.5% of people identify as politically active. The Jatiya Nagorik Committee will work to raise political awareness among the remaining population.

The Jatiya Nagorik Committee is determined to bring a youth-led team into power in the next election. Should the next ruling party engage in fascist practices, the committee will stand against them as well. The committee’s core purpose is tied to Bangladesh. It will continue to dismantle any domestic or foreign conspiracy against the country and work towards building a prosperous Bangladesh on the world stage. The Jatiya Nagorik Committee will continue to work on citizens' rights, regardless of the situation.

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