Since the fall of the Awami League government in August last year, several political parties in Bangladesh have been calling for electoral reform, most notably the introduction of a proportional representation (PR) system. This demand was recently echoed in a rally in Dhaka organized by Islami Andolan Bangladesh, where parties such as Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, National Citizen Party (NCP) and Gano Adhikar Parishad expressed strong support for the system.
According to them, PR is essential for ensuring an accurate reflection of votes and fair representation of all parties in parliament.
However, one of the country’s major political parties, the BNP, has consistently opposed this demand. It argues that implementing PR would provide a pathway for fallen fascist forces to regain power and would hinder the formation of strong, stable governments.
Speaking virtually at a rally in Dhaka last Tuesday, BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman said: “Proportional representation could lead to a fragmented society and unstable governments. We must consider whether this system is inadvertently paving the way for the return of discredited and fugitive fascist forces in our politics.”
What is the PR system?
Bangladesh currently uses the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, where the candidate with the most votes in a constituency wins. Voters elect individuals, not parties. In contrast, under a proportional representation (PR) system, voters vote for parties, not individual candidates. The number of seats a party receives in parliament corresponds to the percentage of votes it gets nationwide. For example, in Bangladesh’s 300-seat parliament, a party receiving 1% of the national vote would be allotted 3 seats. To form a government, a party or coalition must secure 51% of the total vote share. If no single party reaches that threshold, coalitions must be formed.
Historical context and the PR debate
A review of Bangladesh’s national elections since independence until 2008 shows that, with the exception of 1973, no party has ever won more than 50% of the votes.
In 1973, the Awami League secured a landslide with 73.2% of votes. In 1979, the BNP received 41.2%; in 1986, Jatiya Party received 42.34%; in 1991, the BNP received 30.81% while in 1996, the Awami League received 37.44% of the votes.
In 2001, BNP received 41.4% and in 2008, the Awami League received 49% of the votes. Despite getting 49% of the vote, the Awami League won 230 seats, while BNP, with 33.2%, won only 30 seats. Under a PR system, BNP would have received approximately 90 seats and Awami League about 147.
Analysts argue that if PR had been in place since the beginning, no single party (except in 1973) could have formed a government alone. Coalition governments would have become the norm in that case. Given the current political trends and voter behavior, it is becoming increasingly difficult for any party to achieve 50% of the national vote, they opined. This raises concerns that PR could lead to unstable coalition governments, policy paralysis, and greater political uncertainty.
Global lessons from PR
Many advanced democracies, such as Sweden, the Netherlands, Norway, Germany and Finland, have successfully implemented PR. However, they also possess mature political cultures, strong institutions and deep-rooted democratic norms, which make the system function effectively.
Also, the PR system doesn’t suit all nations. In countries like Italy, frequent government changes have plagued the nation under PR. As many as 69 governments have been formed since 1946, averaging one every 1.1 years.
Countries like Israel, Iraq and Nepal also struggle with PR-induced instability, prolonged coalition negotiations and legislative gridlock. Critics stress that one of the major flaws of PR is that it often leads to weak governance and elevates party-based bargaining above national interest.
What the political leaders say
Among the political parties opposing the PR system, the BNP is one of the most prominent. When asked by Dhaka Tribune about the reasons behind the party’s opposition to the PR system, Jayanta Kumar Kundur, assistant organizing secretary of the BNP Central Committee, said: “There are logical and valid reasons to oppose the PR system. This method is not realistic. Under the PR system, elected representatives would not be chosen through direct voting by the people, which undermines the people's rights.”
Regarding the parties advocating for PR, he added: “These political parties have no public support. They also lack trust in the people. In a parliamentary democracy, adopting such a system is inappropriate.”
In contrast, Ruhin Hossain Prince, general secretary of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, believes that the PR system should be introduced, considering Bangladesh’s political realities. However, since no consensus has yet been reached on the issue, he suggests that the next parliamentary election should follow the existing system. After that, discussions can be held in parliament about potentially implementing the PR system in the future.
He said: “There’s still some confusion surrounding this issue. Some are even proposing a bicameral legislature. But we are not in favor of such a system. We want to see a stronger unicameral parliament. At the same time, the local government system must also be strengthened. We want the upcoming election to be held under the current system. However, in the next parliament, there should be in-depth discussions on the PR system and a decision can be made accordingly.”
He went on to say: “The main role of parliament is to make laws, not to build roads and infrastructure. Local development should be handled by local government. But in practice, becoming a member of parliament often results in taking on a quasi-feudal role, which is detrimental to democratic processes. If the current system is reformed, much of this can be corrected.”
Recently, Islami Andolan Bangladesh held a rally in Dhaka, demanding the introduction of the PR system in national elections. When asked about this demand, Sheikh Fazlul Karim Maruf, the party’s central publicity secretary, said: “Under the current electoral system, minorities often end up ruling over the majority. We want to change this system. A party that receives just 40% of the vote can end up winning over 200 seats and then present itself as an authoritarian ruler. This goes against the principles of democracy, which is why we demand a change.”
When asked about the concern that PR-based governments often tend to be weak, he responded: “The notion that a government must be strong is flawed. A state should be governed not through brute strength but on the basis of law and policy. Critics often point to Nepal as an example, but their democratic journey only began after 2011. In comparison, we have a longer history of democratic practice and are politically more mature. Therefore, fears that the PR system would lead to political instability or a weak government are largely unfounded.”
What the analyst says
Professor Al Masud Hasanuzzaman at the Department of Government and Politics at Jahangirnagar University believes that it would not be the right decision to fully implement the PR system in Bangladesh at this moment. Speaking to Dhaka Tribune, he said: “Many political parties, especially the smaller ones, are demanding the introduction of the PR system. If this system is implemented, the smaller parties will benefit the most. However, it would not be appropriate to introduce this system fully in Bangladesh right now, though it could be introduced in a limited number of constituencies.”
He further said that a PR-based election would result in a weak government.
“A government formed through this system will be very fragile. Such a government will not be able to take strong decisions under pressure from small parties. This could throw up various challenges,” he added.
