When is a gaffe not a gaffe? When Donald Trump says it.
Over a period of 72 hours earlier in the month, the Republican front-runner faced a campaign crisis after unrest at his events forced him to cancel a rally in Chicago. He responded, not by apologising but by justifying his supporters’ violent reactions to protesters at his events and offering to pay their legal fees.
Meanwhile, Hillary Clinton spent much of the same period cleaning up misstatements about former first lady Nancy Reagan’s role in addressing the AIDS epidemic, whether her policies would kill coal-mining jobs and her husband’s 1993 health care plan.
The three-day window offered a glimpse into an extraordinary campaign cycle, in which strategists on both sides are wondering whether Trump’s penchant for provocation has shifted the gaffe gauge in American politics.
His bombast already has shaken up the GOP primary contest. Now, as the race moves toward the general election, new questions have arisen about a double standard in political rhetoric-one for Trump and another for everyone else.
“Trump’s ‘gaffes’ haven’t hurt him because a certain segment of GOP primary voters actually support the things he is saying and the way he is saying them,” said Dan Pfeiffer, a former Obama adviser.
Whether by mistake or intention, there’s little question that Trump’s eruptions are key to his strategy.
Trump canceled a scheduled event on March 11 at the University of Illinois at Chicago, one of the country’s most diverse campuses, despite a flood of incensed responses.
The result was a chaotic and violent scene after which Trump dominated the airwaves, starving his rivals for coverage in the run-up to the critical March 15 primaries.
The only time Clinton broke through the clutter was when she talked about Trump, a situation that wasn’t lost on Democrats who noted his ability to stay on the offensive throughout the Republican primaries. But party strategists and Clinton aides believe that calculus will change in the general election, pointing to Trump’s high negative ratings.
“Trump’s statements, while they play very well with Republican primary voters, they’ve turned off the vast majority of Americans,” said Democratic pollster Mark Mellman, who is not advising Clinton’s campaign.
Democrats have already begun stockpiling potential ammunition about the billionaire and are planning a coordinated effort to undercut his appeal.
Early efforts spilled out into the public this week when a Democratic group backing Clinton blasted out footage of Trump refusing to name his foreign policy advisers and instead cited his own “very good brain.”
“Is this who we want,” asked Priorities USA, a super PAC backing Clinton’s bid, and quickly spliced the interview into an online video.
A new Trump campaign ad introducing the candidate to Arizona voters leaves little doubt that he’s embraced many of his most provocative statements as he turns toward the general election. The commercial rattles off Trump’s promises to ban Muslims from entering the US, build a wall on the Mexican border and “take” oil from the Dae’sh group.
Republican strategist Danny Diaz, Jeb Bush’s former campaign manager, believes Trump will be subject to more scrutiny in the general election. But he isn’t sure how much it will matter.
“If I were the Democrats, yeah, I’d be worried,” he said. “He doesn’t feel constrained by the regular rules of the road. From a cultural perspective, he’s something that we haven’t seen before.”
