The July 2024 uprising thrust women to the forefront of Bangladesh's democratic movement. They led marches, organized protests, and became some of its most visible faces.
Two years later, after a new government took office following the February 2026 general election, a pressing question remains: Where are the women who helped shape July, and what place do they now hold in Bangladesh's new political order?
Umama Fatema, a prominent figure in the movement, said women were among the driving forces behind the uprising, yet their influence has been scarcely visible in the political and administrative structures that emerged afterward.
She said: "Women's participation in decision-making has remained far below expectations. Male dominance has persisted."
This lack of representation has frustrated many women who were active in the movement.
Similar concerns were raised during a discussion titled Dialogue on Women of the Mass Uprising: Where Did the Women Go?, held at the National Press Club in November 2024.
Women activists argued that, despite playing crucial roles in the movement, they were not adequately included in reform commissions, policy discussions, or the state-rebuilding process that followed.
Although women were highly visible during the uprising, their presence quickly diminished in the post-uprising power structure.
The trend is reflected in the 2026 general election. Only 81 of the 1,981 candidates—4.08%—were women, despite women making up nearly half of Bangladesh's electorate.
Only seven women were directly elected to the 300 general seats in parliament—six from the BNP and one as an independent candidate.
In comparison, 20 women were elected in 2024. The decline from 20 to seven in a single election cycle marks a setback for women's political representation.
In the 2025 local government elections, only seven women were elected from among around 85 female candidates, representing a success rate of less than 10%.
Economist Selim Jahan observed that, despite the impact of the July movement, women's political participation has not kept pace.
He said Bangladesh's political structure remains patriarchal, with women underrepresented in party leadership and decision-making.
Party nomination practices also reflect this pattern. Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami fielded more than 100 candidates but did not nominate a single woman, drawing criticism from women's rights advocates and international media.
The National Citizen Party (NCP) nominated three women among its 44 candidates, a figure many considered inadequate given women's prominent role in the movement.
Following the NCP's agreement with Jamaat, several women leaders, including Tasnim Jara and Syeda Nilima Dola, resigned from the party. Tasnim Jara later contested the election as an independent candidate.
Women leaders say they face greater barriers than their male counterparts, including personal attacks, cyberbullying, and online character assassination.
Umama Fatema said: "Women and men are not judged by the same standards in politics. Men are evaluated based on their positions, while women are judged by personal characteristics and stereotypes."
Sanzida Ahmed Tanni, a prominent student leader during the July movement, shared similar experiences. After being injured near Dhaka University on July 15, 2024, images of her circulated widely, making her one of the movement's symbols.
Tanni said: "Women have played vital roles in politics and society, yet many continue to face family, social, and institutional barriers to leadership. Online harassment and cyberbullying remain major obstacles."
Women also bore the brunt of violence during the July movement. According to the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs, at least 11 women were killed during the July-August uprising.
Many more were injured, arrested, or subjected to abuse. Their contributions are inseparable from the sacrifices they made.
Joshna Dutta of Bangladesh Mahila Parishad said: "Women's participation has increased, but their representation in leadership remains unsatisfactory. Political parties speak of women's leadership, yet discrimination persists in nominations and decision-making."
Professor Samina Luthfa of the Department of Sociology at the University of Dhaka said the July uprising demonstrated that women were not merely participants but key actors in leadership, organization, and resistance.
However, she said political parties have failed to translate that reality into greater representation through nominations and leadership positions.
She added that expanding reserved seats alone would not be enough. Political parties must nominate more women for direct elections, include them in decision-making, and invest in developing future women leaders.
The Election Commission expects political parties to gradually ensure 33% women's representation at various organizational levels, but most have yet to meet the target.
Globally, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) reported that women held 27.5% of parliamentary seats at the beginning of 2026.
Several countries have achieved significantly higher levels of women's political representation.
In Rwanda, Mexico, Bolivia, and Cuba, women hold at least half of all parliamentary seats.
Nordic countries, including Finland, Sweden, and Iceland, have maintained women's representation above 45% for many years. According to IPU data, women account for an average of 45.2% of representatives in Nordic parliaments.
These examples illustrate how sustained political commitment, greater priority for women in party nominations, effective quota systems, leadership development programmes, and a safe political environment can substantially increase women's representation.
The United Nations' Sustainable Development Goal 5 calls for women's full and effective participation at all levels of decision-making.
Yet, as of 2026, only 28 countries have a woman serving as head of state or government, while more than 100 have never had one.
Despite progress, gender inequality persists at the highest levels of political leadership.
A 2025 gender analysis report by the United Nations and UN Women found that the political instability between July and December 2024 disproportionately affected women.
The report identified the meaningful inclusion of women in post-uprising political processes as one of Bangladesh's key challenges.
For women's rights activists in Bangladesh, the July movement was not only a struggle for political change but also a movement to build an inclusive, democratic, and discrimination-free state.
However, election results and party nomination patterns suggest that women's prominent role in the July movement has yet to translate into equal political representation.
That raises a fundamental question: Have the women who helped drive the movement become equal partners in shaping Bangladesh's future, or have they once again been pushed to the margins?
