From the bench to behind bars

The recent arrest of former Chief Justice ABM Khairul Haque on a murder charge sent shockwaves across Bangladesh’s legal and political circles. On July 24, ABM Khairul Haque was taken into custody, a moment unprecedented in the country’s judicial history. At first glance, the charge appears to be a grave criminal allegation requiring due process and justice. But everyone who follows Bangladesh’s political landscape knows this case isn’t really about murder. It revolves around a far deeper and more contentious issue: the 2011 verdict that abolished the caretaker government system, which many political parties relied upon as the only trusted mechanism to ensure free and fair elections.

The caretaker government system was never perfect. No one welcomes an unelected government, even if temporary. Yet, in Bangladesh’s deeply polarized political environment, it functioned as the last impartial referee, the only buffer to keep elections fair. Scrapping this system didn’t simply alter electoral law, it shattered a fragile political balance that had maintained some stability in a divided nation. The verdict, authored by Khairul Haque as chief justice, shook the foundations of Bangladesh’s political order. Now, more than a decade later, that decision has come back to haunt him in the form of two serious legal cases: One for sedition and the other, far more shocking, a murder charge.

The timing and nature of this murder allegation reveal a clear political motive. Instead of addressing the controversy around the caretaker government verdict head-on, the authorities have opted to bury it beneath a sensational murder charge. The arrest of a former chief justice over a decade-old political verdict, dressed up as a murder charge, suggests we’re dangerously close to the latter.

ABM Khairul Haque has been named the 40th accused in a case with no new or credible evidence linking him to the crime. Why use such a dramatic charge? Because murder allegations have a powerful emotional impact they capture public attention easily and drown out complex political-legal debates. This is a classic misdirection tactic, designed to hide the real issue behind a flashy headline and confuse the public. There is no credible evidence connecting Haque to the killing during the student protests of July and August 2024.

The police who arrested him, the senior officials who ordered the detention, and the magistrates who remanded him are all likely aware that no proof exists or will ever emerge. This makes the arrest a textbook example of arbitrary detention, violating basic principles of due process and the rule of law. His arrest feels like the latest move in a long saga of political vendetta. We’ve seen this playbook before. In 2017, Chief Justice SK Sinha was driven out after ruling against the 16th Amendment. He was accused, and exiled. Now, Khairul Haque is behind bars.

Same script. Different decade. Only now, the gloves are off.

At the heart of this situation lies a fundamental question: Can Bangladesh’s institutions still function independently, or have they become mere extensions of the executive? The implications for judicial independence are deeply troubling. Judicial decisions no matter how unpopular must never become grounds for criminal prosecution. The former chief justice’s ruling, however controversial, was fully within his judicial authority. To use that verdict as a pretext to charge him with murder, without any concrete evidence, strikes at the core of judicial autonomy and the separation of powers. Judges must be free to decide cases based on law and conscience, without fear of political reprisal.

Such actions send a chilling message to the judiciary. Judges should be held accountable for clear criminal wrongdoing, such as corruption, but no such allegations exist here. Prosecuting a former chief justice over an unpopular legal opinion risks reducing judges to political pawns rather than independent arbiters of justice. If judges begin to self-censor out of fear whether of arrest, surveillance, or public defamation, justiceitself suffers. 

This is not how a constitutional democracy operates. Judges must interpret the law without fear or favour. They deserve protection from political consequences, even when their decisions upset powerful interests. This is the essence of an independent judiciary. You can disagree with a ruling. You can critique it publicly, file appeals, or push for legislative reform. But criminalizing judicial decisions retroactively because they cause political inconvenience undermines the very foundation of the rule of law.

The case also exposes deep-rooted problems in law enforcement and governance. Selective targeting, lack of transparency, and disregard for thorough, impartial investigations have become commonplace. Law Adviser Asif Nazrul has repeatedly stressed that arrests must be based on solid, evidence-backed investigations. Yet, in practice, this principle seems ignored, serving only as a convenient cover for politically motivated detentions.

The government’s revival of colonial-era sedition laws, combined with the filing of sweeping FIRs against hundreds and even thousands of people, signals a worrying return to old tactics of repression dressed in new clothes. This strategy is not simply about silencing dissent, it is about delivering a stark warning. 

All stakeholders must remember this: Judicial decisions no matter how controversial are not crimes. If there is genuine misconduct, it should be dealt with transparently, backed by evidence, and guided by due process. But when political vengeance is repackaged as a murder charge, it isn’t justice, it is retribution masquerading as law. For any democracy to survive, judges must be able to rule without fear, and the law must serve justice, not political vendettas.

This is not just about a former chief justice being detained. It’s about the quiet erosion of something far bigger than our faith in the system that’s supposed to protect us all. When judges are punished for past verdicts, when laws meant to protect are twisted into tools of fear, and when the line between justice and politics all but disappears, we have to ask: What is left of our democracy? If this continues unchecked, no dissenting voice be it from the bench, the press, or the people will be safe.

 

Kollol Kibria is an advocate, human rights activist, and political analyst. He can be reached at: kollolkibriaa@gmail.com.