Bangladesh is a nation that has battled time and again for independence in the spirit of democracy and autonomy, yet it is evidentiary that the nation has always been ruled by dynasties or hereditary political parties regardless. With the emergence of multi-party politics and the backing of significant parties like the Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party, local elections in Bangladesh started to exhibit political signs in the late 1980s and early 1990s. By the mid-2000s, political parties were using these elections as a stage to demonstrate the power of their grassroots movements. This became even more intense when the government permitted the use of blatantly political direct party emblems in local elections in 2015.
Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka are among South Asian countries where family-led political parties are prevalent, with the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty in India, Pakistan with the Bhutto-Zardari family, and Sri Lanka with the Bandaranaikes and Rajapaksas. South Korea, once ruled by the renowned Park family, can be considered an example of civil activists and elections successfully eliminating a dynastic rule, while the Marcos family from the Philippines further highlights the complexities of a dynasty with corruption scandals and authoritarian leadership in a politicized system in spite of being a progressive democratic system.
In the sphere of South Asian politics, dynasties are sometimes compared to monarchs, which are fragile and vulnerable to both internal and foreign threats despite appearing to be omnipresent and unstoppable.
In Bangladesh, the two largest political parties -- the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) -- have evolved into enterprises managed only by successors of their founders. Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, has led Bangladesh for the majority of the last 20 years. Sajeeb Wazed Joy, her son, was rumored to eventually seize control of the party and carry on the family's domination. On the other hand, the BNP, which was started by Ziaur Rahman, is currently governed by his widow, Khaleda Zia, while her son Tarique Rahman, living in self-exile in London, is expected to take over as leader in the future.
This potentially hazardous paradigm, akin to a "shadow monarchy" concentrates political power in the hands of a small number of individuals and adjusts according to family values, which is detrimental to democracy. Because these parties are not official monarchic systems but their internal functioning may be compared to the monarchies, some power is usually concentrated within several family members. This phenomenon raises concerns about the function of political accountability, and the existence of the shadow monarchy that is driving the political wheel for the future direction of Bangladeshi politics.
Party politics is driven by personal ambition and dynastic succession rather than serving the people's socio economic necessities
If we observe closely, we can see that after a certain period, people of Bangladesh come across a movement towards these political parties as such they are the monarchies and peoples no longer want them -- it is noteworthy that the Mass Movement of 1990 stirred dissatisfaction with dynastic leaders and forced General Hussain Muhammad Ershad to step down.
Corruption and political rivalry between the BNP and the AL were the main causes of the political crisis that occurred from 2006 and 2008. This calculated inability to hold free elections sparked calls for change, which was followed by military intervention and the formation of a caretaker government. These developments indicate that, when political authority is concentrated, a cycle of dissatisfaction occurs, resulting in mass movements or political unrest.
With respect to leadership being inherited instead of being acquired via democratic means, this succession plan bears resemblance to a monarchy. Frequently, voters are left with the option of selecting between two family branches instead of among a wide variety of potential leaders. Democracy's fundamental principles -- that is, the rotation of leadership according to ideas, merit, and public support -- are undermined by this fact.
Following the widespread uprising that brought an end to Hasina's 15-year rule on August 5, the BNP might have anticipated winning over the upcoming general elections. However, the path has changed, and Professor Yunus's interim government has declared that some radical measures are required before the election can take place. Understanding voter preferences is crucial for political parties to prepare for the upcoming general election. People appear to be overwhelmingly supportive of a long-term interim government. This “overwhelmingly supportive” phenomenon needs to be checked.
It has been made evident time and again that these dynastic structures harm democratic institutions -- parties have shifted away from standard political ideology and towards loyalty to the ruling family. Party politics is driven by personal ambition and dynastic succession rather than serving the people's socio economic necessities. Ultimately, Hasina's aim to carry out her father's democratic vision was overshadowed by something very different: She accumulated enormous influence, which led to authoritarian tendencies and increasing ruthlessness against her own people.
Bangladesh must promote a political culture where leadership is earned, not given, in order to end the cycle of family dominance which is nothing short of a shadow monarchy. Electoral variations, the bolstering of democratic institutions, and the encouragement of internal democracy within political parties can all help to achieve this.
Md.Kowshik Shahriar is an Associate Editor at NSULaw Blog and a Research Assistant at the Department Of Law, NSU.