US ambassador Harry K Thomas in his first audience asked me: “What is this H A W A Bhawan?” Literally speaking, I didn’t have much clue about Hawa Bhaban. Therefore, my reply was very brief: “People think this is the alternate power house.”
Extremely knowledgeable with a respectable command of the Bengali language, Ambassador Thomas also wanted to know about the Bangladeshi civil society and business community. Here my answer I guess was quite satisfactory.
Despite the provoked interest in Hawa Bhaban, I never knew much about Hawa Bhaban nor passed by it any time. I was told by a few of my friends, in pubic service, that they found Hawa Bhaban intervention to be quite effective for some of their promotions to the next job grade or to influence some of the ministers to get some contracts done.
I was also told by a few Bangladesh Bank seniors that one of their deputy governors visited the Hawa Bhaban with his wife in early 2005 to prop up support in favour of his registered interest for the “top job.”
In 2008 I was attending the Bangladesh conference at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. A Bangladesh-born professor at Tennessee University asked me a few question on Hawa Bhaban 1) What was wrong with this Hawa Bhaban? 2) Was there any torture or interrogation cell? 3) Were people taking drugs there or any other type of anti-social activities happening there?
Thankfully, I didn’t have to answer him. A university teacher accompanying the team from Bangladesh promptly answered: this alternate power house, “Hawa Bhaban,” used to influence the decision-making process at few ministries, resolve political disputes between party workers and the ministers or ministries and at times recommend or influenced large government procurement to go to some of the party stalwarts.
Lately, while the BNP chair revealed her preliminary plan to go for a new form of government, I heard a few journalist friends saying on TV talk shows we don’t want to see any more Hawa Bhaban working.
I am not a political thinker or activist. Any time I was asked any political question by any talk show host, I usually goofed up and a few times it even ended in quarrel.
Then again, listening to a few leading journalists in the talk shows, I was asking myself: if there is no Hawa Bhaban now, then there is reportedly no alternate power house, other than the thinly attended Awami League office in Gulistan. In that case, who is influencing the large government procurements or construction works? Who is influencing the transfer/postings for senior posts? Who is deciding on the nomination of commercial bank chairmen or directors or even deputy governors at the central bank? Does this mean all “tadbir” or lobbying has stopped with the new government? Does this mean party stalwarts don’t mind if the large contracts go to an opposition aligned person? Or is the government okay with whoever is selected by the ministry of finance to become Sonali or Agrani Bank chairman?
I know my readers are smiling; if not laughing. Newspaper reports have confirmed corruption and favours to party stalwarts and loyalists have increased many-folds during the last four and half years.
Nothing in the energy sector gets decided unless the “big man” at the “top office” is convinced or positively exposed. Files or diaries are being maintained under the direct supervision of the “adviser in charge” at the “top office” on each of the civil servants’ role during the previous government.
It is widely known that “unless you are more than a 1000% loyal to the party, nothing good can happen for you.”
Even the “special agency” folks drawn from supposedly impartial background are reportedly behaving like “party men” and the “chain of command” is not working as desired. Rumours are ripe that no telecom deal would go to anyone unless a “specific quarter” is convinced.
It may sound odd, but the reality seems to be that as opposed to one Hawa Bhaban during the previous government, now there are quite a few Hawa Bhabans.
Without doubt, this must stop. Ministries and the ministers should be empowered to do their jobs and be accountable for their deeds.
Party and government should run in parallel. Party stalwarts must try to maintain a “Chinese wall” between the party and the government. They should all contribute towards building a forward-looking party with strong “grass root” presence.
Ironically, each of our large political parties has utterly failed to maintain that dignified “aloofness.” More shockingly, at frequent intervals, the party has become diluted with the government, the “government” has lost out to a ruthless and faceless “state.” The “state” is too blunt - only favouring the influential people, hoodlums, and people donating funds for the party. Nobody thought beyond or could go beyond party interest or narrow self-interest.
This is not “new government.” At the best, this could be called, “old wine in new bottle.” This can’t help us attain our dreams. We must go beyond, much beyond the known territory.