As campaigning for a "yes" or "no" vote on four issues gains momentum ahead of the upcoming referendum, confusion continues to prevail among the public over what the four points actually entail and what voting either way would change.
While the government is actively campaigning for a "yes" vote, the Election Commission (EC) has instructed government officials not to take part in such campaigning.
At the same time, comments by National Consensus Commission Chief Ali Riaz — who said the government would function like a Constituent Assembly for 180 days after the election — have further fueled uncertainty, prompting questions over whether the current administration would remain in power during that period.
Overall, curiosity, doubt and debate surrounding the referendum have intensified.
Adding to the discussion, Brac CEO Asif Saleh recently questioned whether the public has been adequately informed about the 84 issues outlined in the July Charter. His remarks sparked renewed debate, particularly on social media, with many asking how 84 issues emerged from a "yes-no" referendum on just four points.
The referendum will be held alongside the 13th national parliamentary election on February 12. Voters will cast their referendum vote on a separate pink ballot containing detailed descriptions of the four issues. However, critics argue that instead of clearly explaining these issues, the campaign has largely focused on urging voters to choose "yes".
How will a ‘new Bangladesh’ be built?
Proponents of the referendum claim that a "yes" vote would prevent the return of fascism. In a recent televised and radio-broadcast video message, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus urged people to vote "yes", saying it would free the country from discrimination, exploitation and oppression, and open the door to building a "New Bangladesh".
However, questions remain over how that change would materialise.
Supporters say the July Charter aims to eliminate exclusive dominance in state institutions. One example cited is the delimitation of parliamentary constituencies. Under current arrangements, the EC has sole authority over constituency boundaries. If the charter is approved, this power would be shared with an expert committee.
Changes are also proposed to the process of forming the Election Commission. The charter eliminates the search committee system. Instead, the EC would be formed by a committee chaired by the speaker, with members including the deputy speaker, prime minister, leader of the opposition and a judge of the Appellate Division nominated by the opposition. The speaker and deputy speaker would come from different parties.
Identity and constitutional principles
The July Charter also addresses the long-standing debate over Bangladeshi versus Bengali identity. While citizens are currently constitutionally defined as part of the Bengali nation, the proposed reforms would identify citizens as Bangladeshi.
The charter also proposes changes to the constitution’s fundamental principles. At present, these are Bengali nationalism, democracy, socialism and secularism. Under the proposed reforms, they would become equality, human dignity, social justice, religious freedom and harmony.
Responding to criticism that these issues are not being adequately explained, National Citizen Party (NCP) Joint Member Secretary and Election Steering Committee Secretary Monira Sharmin told Dhaka Tribune that more detailed explanations were needed.
“When campaigning, we try to explain how the July Charter would work, especially regarding judicial independence, fundamental rights and state reforms,” she said.
Why ‘fascists will not return’
Campaigners repeatedly claim that a ‘yes’ vote would prevent the return of fascism. Those involved say the charter creates a system that prevents any party or individual from exercising unchecked power.
They argue the slogan does not target a specific party, but rather asserts that a fascist system would be structurally impossible.
What changes with a ‘yes’ vote?
Under the current constitution, a state of emergency can be declared with the prime minister’s approval. The July Charter proposes that such a declaration would require cabinet approval, with the opposition leader or deputy leader present.
The method of electing the president would also change. If the charter passes, the president would be elected by secret ballot by members of both houses of parliament. The president would gain authority to appoint heads and members of constitutional bodies without the prime minister’s advice.
The impeachment process would also be revised. Currently, the president can be impeached by a two-thirds vote of one house. The proposal requires a two-thirds vote of both the upper and lower houses.
Lack of clarity on broader reforms
Analysts say the four referendum issues include far-reaching proposals, such as increasing women’s representation in parliament, electing deputy speakers and committee chairs from the opposition, limiting the prime minister’s tenure, strengthening local government, expanding fundamental rights and ensuring judicial independence.
Winning parties would be bound to implement 30 reform proposals outlined in the July Charter. However, public understanding of these proposals remains limited, raising concerns that confusion could be exploited.
Government vs officials: who can campaign?
While the government is legally allowed to campaign for the referendum, the EC has barred government officials and employees from taking sides. On January 29, the EC warned that officials campaigning for either ‘yes’ or ‘no’ would face punishment.
This distinction has prompted questions about why officials are restricted while the government itself is not.
Will the government act as a Constituent Assembly?
At a roundtable on January 28, Ali Riaz said the new parliament would govern from day one while also acting as a “Constitutional Reform Council” for 180 days. The remark triggered widespread speculation on social media.
The press wing later clarified that parliament would function normally, including running the government and passing the budget, while elected members tasked with reforms would take a separate oath and complete constitutional changes within 180 days.
Is questioning the referendum a crime?
Some social media users who point out that the referendum includes a ‘no’ option have faced criticism. Political analysts argue that questioning the process is not opposition to reform.
Asif Saleh has written that democratic consent is meaningful only when based on understanding, adding that consent without explanation is merely procedural.
Media personality Abdun Noor Tushar echoed this view, saying the contents of the July Charter should have been explained separately.
“The campaign says the future is in the people’s hands, yet urges them to vote ‘yes’. What happens if people vote ‘no’?” he asked, stressing that the people’s decision must ultimately be respected.