A non-cooperation movement was being observed and resistance forces were being prepared in Dhaka and elsewhere in East Pakistan to realize the demand of the people: emancipation -- as announced by Awami League supremo Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in his seventh March speech.
To dodge the evil plans of the ruthless military dictator, General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan, and to avoid a massive bloodbath, Bangabandhu announced independence on March 7, 1971, tactically.
He called for a continuation of the Gandhian-type non-violent non-cooperation campaign against the government, including the closure of all government offices and educational institutions.
He said that he would consider attending the National Assembly session scheduled by President Yahya for March 25 if martial law were terminated, the troops in East Pakistan were withdrawn to their barracks, an inquiry was launched into the killings of civilians and power was transferred to the elected representatives of the people.
On March 6, Gen Yahya in a radio speech blamed Sheikh Mujib for the situation and threatened the use of force. He concluded by warning that as long as he was in charge of the armed forces he would defend the integrity of Pakistan.
But Bangabandhu remained firm on his stance, built on the basis of the six-point demands.
Meeting with Blood
On March 10, Sheikh Mujib's aide Alamgir Rahman went to see US Consulate General Archer K Blood.
“Mujib wanted very much to work out with Yahya some political settlement that would avoid bloodshed, satisfy Bengali aspirations, and preserve some vestige of link with Pakistan.
“Alamgir opined that it's now too late to talks in terms of six-point constitution but perhaps some solution can't be found along lines of confederation, with separate constitutions or east and west Pakistan, and one army and one Foreign Ministry,” Blood said in a telegram to the State Department.
Sheikh Mujib's question was: “Does the United States want to see military confrontation with the prospect of eventual communist domination of Bengal or would it prefer a political solution to the current crisis?"
Blood said: “We naturally hoped for a peaceful political solution in lieu of bloodshed: we were gratified to learn that Mujib is also thinking in these terms, and we interpret Yahya's willingness to come to Dacca as evidence he too is desirous of achieving a peaceful solution. We hope both sides would approach talks in the spirit of compromise.”
Alamgir then said Sheikh Mujib wanted to know if the United States would be willing to indicate to Yahya their hopes for political solution to current crisis.
35 directives
On March 15, Bangabandhu announced that the Awami League was taking over the administration of East Pakistan on the grounds that the party had a majority (288 of 300) in the Provincial Assembly.
He acted unilaterally and in defiance of President Yahya's Martial Law Administration which continued to be the Government of Pakistan. The military ruler arrived in Dhaka the same day.
“The fact that Mujib's announcement contained 35 ‘directives' for assuming control of the administration indicates that it was a deliberate and carefully planned move,” according to a memorandum from the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs Joseph Sisco to Secretary of State William P Rogers.
“Mujib's statement called on Bengalis to resist by all possible means any force used against them.
“In taking this step, Mujib has directly confronted the Yahya government but has carefully avoided an unqualified declaration of East Pakistani independence and has based his action on the ‘democratic' voice of the people as expressed in the December election,” Sisco said.
On the other hand, West Pakistan political leader Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in a speech in Karachi the previous day demanded that power be turned over to majority parties in each wing: Bhutto's in the West, Mujib's in the East.
“Bhutto's speech may also indicate what has been suspected for some time, that Bhutto has decided that his chances of attaining power in the West are best achieved by a split – total or nearly so – in the country. However, Bhutto has less opportunity to act than Mujib because the army is strong in the West and could probably contain a rebellion,” Sisco said.