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বাংলা
Dhaka Tribune

Analysis: The ghosts of Pakistan past

Update : 10 May 2013, 10:26 AM

You don’t hear the words “Pakistan” and “election enthusiasm” in the same sentence too often, and we have never heard the words “Pakistan” and “civilian transfer of power” together before at all. Yet this year, it seems that democratic traditions have sunk in deeper among certain quarters of the country’s society than they have done in the past. Fatigue from mismanagement, military intimidation, political violence and international and domestic terrorism are causing ordinary Pakistanis to try and have a more active stake in their country’s future.

Areesha Mazhar a journalist from Karachi writes:

“Many factors, including the country’s media, are playing a role to encourage people to vote. Even popular cafes and shops are trying to promote elections by promising free coffees and cakes to those who vote. Specific clothing lines have made scarves and clothes showing their affiliation to certain political parties. They are, at the moment, selling like hot cakes in the country.There is a feeling of festivity with all these flags, posters and lighting and songs blaring from speakers on the streets. The air is charged with excitement and everyone is engaged in vibrant political debate on the social media. One can only hope and pray that everything goes well and elections remain safe from rigging to blasts.”

But in a society as complex as Pakistan’s, there are always dangers waiting in the wings. The election commission has allowed 130 radical candidates from groups like Lashkar-e Jhangvi, running under the banner of MuttahidaDeeniMahaz (MDM) to contest in both national and provincial elections. Their manifesto includes stipulations that that all public officials be male Sunni Muslims, and want an Islamic Caliphate in Pakistan.

The army too has its eyes on the prize again, and could use radical cleric Dr Tahir Ul Qadri, as a front for their political aspirations now that Pervez Musharraf is permanently out of the running.

Terorist groups like the Pakistani Taliban have declared the elections un- Islamic and have begun assassinating candidates and threatening women voters, with up to 100 people killed since the beginning of April.

There are also regional fractures, Nawaz Sharif is popular in Punjab and among the religious right and would be amiable to an alliance with the radical MDM. However he belongs to a largely discredited model of politics in the region and will appeal less to younger, more cosmopolitan voters.

Imran Khan, widely seen as the secular alternative may not be as secular as he appears considering he has expressed an unwillingness to tamper with hudud laws that restrict women and punish blasphemy with death. He is also, a thorn in USA’s side with his vocal opposition to drone strikes. The US may try to contain his popularity.

Army Chief General Kayani will retire in November and Chief Justice Ifthikar Chaudhry’s term ends in December. With many young Pakistanis involved in the political discourse and with a deck-reshuffle impending, the old guard may find they have been permanently put out to pasture. But whether the new Pakistani leadership will be more, or less liberal, still remains to be seen.

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