Ganajagaran Mancha, which could have been the positive change in society everyone was looking for, fell short of expectations. This was almost certain, given its course of evolution.
The Mancha had gained popularity mainly among middle-income people for the sentimental wave it had begun. It had swept along with it a mass of youths who had been taught to value the Liberation War in the way they had seen on television and read in popular books. For the majority in the lower-income group, popularity had always hinged on what earned a full meal at least twice a day.
It was mostly youths who had gathered under the banner of Ganajagaran Mancha, believing they were a part of something that might bring about a revolutionary change in the course of the history of Bangladesh.
The birth of Ganajagaran Mancha happened at a time when the previous government of the Awami League was toiling towards an election stained with the disgrace of the Bishwajit killing, the Padma Bridge scam, quick rental power scheme, a bad relationship with India who had promised the BNP of a renewed bond, and other troubling issues.
Ganajagaran Mancha, it seemed later, wiped clean the image of the AL and helped Sheikh Hasina climb back to the peak of middle-income popularity.
The second verdict of the International Crimes Tribunal was indeed shocking – how could Quader Molla, a man proven to have brutally killed so many people, get lighter punishment? A protest to the verdict was justified, and rightly done.
But eventually, the agenda was primarily steered towards hatred for the Jamaat-e-Islami. It tried to create the sense that Jamaat was the main problem for Bangladesh.
It is absolutely right to destroy the politics of a party that goes against the fundamental values of a country – in this case the Jamaat, which opposed the formation of Bangladesh.
But the most essential issue that the Ganajagaran Mancha missed was the raising of the question as to why Jamaat was still a political party after 42 years, and how it dug its roots so deep. When Jamaat is a legal political party, therefore inside the bounds of law, and the law can take actions against it anytime, why not question the hand that governs the law as to how Quader Molla got away? The right agenda would have been to steer Ganajagaran Mancha to strike at that governing hand.
But no, the AL was spared from having to give such explanations, and was presented with an opportunity to manipulate things for its own agenda – an agenda they are still putting to use today. Thus, the Mancha was allowed peaceful demonstrations with protection and perhaps with patronisation of the state.
As for the BNP, Ganajagaran Mancha dealt a fatal blow to the party that was already scavenging for support, struggling to become the number one opposition. With Jamaat on a rampage, there were speculations of an election with Jamaat as the main opposition – which effectively meant an absence of the BNP in the elections.
They too tried to usher Ganajagaran Mancha to their side, though without much success. The final blow was served when the Mancha convinced India to give wholehearted support to the AL – Delhi believed the Mancha could stir passions in favour of the AL.
Given Imran H Sarker’s Prajanma Blog’s affiliation with the Embassy of the United States, speculations arose as to the Mancha’s affiliations with American interests. Even if there was such an affiliation, it did not bear fruit.
The Mancha, though it claimed to be non-political at the time, seemed to silently become quite divisive – dividing those for the Liberation War from those against it, and that too based on the version provided by the AL. They managed to nurture middle-income feelings to make it look like it was only possible for the AL to bring Razakars to justice.
Many youths who were once very much a part of Ganajagaran Mancha have now turned away. They now feel toyed with.
This was not supposed to happen. The spirit of the Liberation War was not just to free the country from Jamaat, rather it called for economic and social freedom for all – which has not yet been achieved.
Bangladesh still stands on the administrative and economic foundations of British and Pakistani rule. These systems have to be rebuilt with the interest of Bangladeshi people in mind. Feudalistic structures have to be broken down – there is a whole lot of unfinished business.