There were fears of a resurgence of militancy after several terrorists escaped from jail during the mass uprising two years ago. Some militants were also released following the fall of the Awami League government.
Whether those fears are now going to become a reality is the subject of discussion.
There was a hint that the situation could turn chaotic in early July, when flags bearing Arabic letters were suddenly seen flying in various parts of the country. The main cause for concern was the association of this flag with international terrorism.
As concerns over the flags began to subside, a major incident emerged as “evidence” of the resurgence of militancy.
On the 12th of this month, police conducted a raid in Savar, near Dhaka, and recovered several bombs and bomb-making equipment.
One large bomb was defused the following day.
What is particularly worrying is that those arrested by police and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Act have been identified as members of neo-JMB (Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh).
Al-Qaeda’s shadow
Nazmul Hasan alias “Bomaru” Mamun, whom police are looking for in connection with the Savar incident and other blasts, was arrested nine years ago. However, in January this year, a court acquitted him in a 2017 blast case.
The verdict also described Mamun as an “anti-fascist activist,” according to media reports.
Meanwhile, a UN Security Council report warned that Al-Qaeda’s Indian subcontinent branch, Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent or AQIS, has increased its activities in Bangladesh and is trying to build a network in Bangladesh through active cells.
Two days after the report was published, a neo-JMB cell was uncovered in Savar and weapons were recovered.
There has always been controversy over the presence of militancy in Bangladesh and its international connections, particularly during the Awami League’s rule from 2009 to 2024.
In an attempt to discredit the anti-militancy operations of the police and RAB, some quarters alleged that although the government claimed to be combating terrorism, its main objective was to suppress the opposition.
Even the killings of bloggers that began in 2013 were suspected to have been the work of militants.
History of Holey Artisan
On the other hand, the Awami League government was intent on describing militant activities solely as “domestic terrorism.”
At various times, it denied the international connections of domestic militants, particularly their links to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. But after the terrorist attack on the Holey Artisan Bakery in Gulshan, Dhaka, on July 1, 2016, which killed 24 people, including two senior police officers, the foreign involvement became clear.
The Islamic State’s news agency, Amaq, was the first to publish on social media a photograph of a bloodied body lying on the floor inside the O Kitchen restaurant adjacent to the Holey Artisan Bakery.
After the five terrorists were killed in the army operation, Amaq was also the first to publish photographs of them smiling with weapons in their hands and keffiyehs on their heads.
It is understood that the terrorists had sent their photographs before embarking on the operation.
The government, probably fearing involvement in the US-led “war on terror,” tried to portray the country’s militant activities as “domestic.”
After the Holey Artisan attack, the police and RAB carried out extensive operations in various parts of the country, killing and arresting suspected militants.
As a result of these operations, there were no major attacks in the country after the Holey Artisan incident.
However, the police and RAB did not receive much praise for this, mainly because of allegations that the anti-militancy campaign was being used to “suppress dissent.”
After the mass uprising two years ago, the words “militant drama” were seen written on various walls. In other words, an attempt was made to dismiss the anti-terror operations as mere drama.
The sculpture erected in front of Gulshan Police Station in memory of the two officers killed in the Holey Artisan attack was demolished and has not been rebuilt to this day.
Even the name of martyred AC Rabiul Karim has been removed from the gate of the Detective Branch office in Dhaka.
A ceremony was held at the Italian Embassy to mark the tenth anniversary of the attack, as many of the victims were Italian citizens, but no memorial service was held by the Bangladesh government or even the police authorities.
Looking at the course of events, it appears that the post-2024 ruling establishment is not only trying to downplay the significance of the most tragic terrorist attack in Bangladesh’s history, but is also trying to erase the memory of the police officers killed in the attack.
‘Bangla Bhai’ and ‘Shaykh Abdur Rahman’
As Islamist parties played a significant role in the fall of the Awami League government, various extremist groups moved to the centre of politics.
Using this newfound power, they tried to erase the militant activities of past years from the criminal record, as evidenced by the aftermath of the Holey Artisan incident.
At the same time, they portrayed the Awami League government’s anti-terrorism activities as the suppression of opposition views.
Dr Muhammad Yunus’s interim government sought to legitimize this new narrative through its silence.
It is important to remember here that what is understood as “terrorism” in today’s world began to emerge in Bangladesh during another period of BNP rule.
During the BNP-Jamaat alliance government from 2001 to 2006, the activities of JMB began to come to light.
The extremist leader known as “Bangla Bhai” established a reign of terror in the northern region. Another militant leader, Shaykh Abdur Rahman, also gained notoriety.
After coming to power, the BNP government does not appear to be prioritizing the suppression of militant activities. There is no emphasis on apprehending the militants who escaped from jail in 2024, nor is there any process to take back into custody militant leaders who were released by the courts.
Taken together, the Savar incident and the Security Council’s warning make it difficult for the government to maintain the “militant drama” narrative.
More than that, ignoring the possibility of a resurgence of militancy could put the country’s security at risk.
Tough decision before the government
The Yunus government’s compromising policy towards extremists led to the demolition of the “Bangabandhu Memorial Museum” at Dhanmondi 32, where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated on August 15, 1975.
Because the Yunus government had indulged the extremists, they also vandalized and set fire to the offices of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, remaining beyond the reach of the authorities.
The public was made to believe, through various means, that followers of Islamic politics had been forced to choose the path of terrorism because they had been persecuted for so long.
The propaganda suggested that if they were allowed to enter mainstream politics, they would return to systematic, democratic, and peaceful activities.
But for those whose ideology is rooted in extreme extremism, where there is no room for dissent and no value placed on tolerance, the objective -- regardless of the political trend -- will be to establish absolute dominance over society.
The question now is whether the government will acknowledge that there is indeed a threat of a resurgence of militancy in the country and that some tough steps need to be taken to prevent it.
Sabir Mustafa is former head of BBC Bangla and is currently working as a freelance journalist and podcaster. Views expressed are the writer’s own.