No dialogue with Jatiyo Party on state reforms?

Unlike most prominent political parties, Jatiyo Party (JaPa) has not yet been invited for dialogue on foreseeable state restructuring in the chief advisor’s office. While prominent student coordinators of the July movement have recently raised their concerns on social media regarding JaPa’s role as an abettor of the fallen Awami League (AL) regime, JaPa chairman GM Quader has appeared in media, expressing the embarrassment of not receiving an invitation, elucidating why his party should not be deprived of the opportunity. In addition, the party's poor efforts to prove its solidarity with the students during the movement have been subject to overwhelming reactions of ridicule on the part of netizens. 

Role during the revolution

First and foremost, I request readers to ponder on the thought that the country has gone through a revolution, and not one human chain on the part of the JaPa was visible. Their student wing had not sketched a single press release in support of the collective will of the students throughout Bangladesh, let alone participating in the movements. Other than a mere statement from the party chairman, they turned a blind eye to mass killings. What sort of parliamentary opposition were they conducting themselves as, really? 

Even if it is true that some of their leaders in Rangpur were active participants since the killing of Abu Sayed, a party with such massive organizational strength -- with offices and student wings all over the country -- ought to have done much more to demand any credit whatsoever. In fact, as mere university teachers, those in my profession have been bolder with significantly more exposure than JaPa, a so-called political party.

Domestic opposition

Shaking hands with the ruling party had always put the JaPa in the best of situations, starting from the oddity of having ministers in the cabinet (as the opposition), to being the convenient and home-grown opposition, which the government befriended and provided to. Hence, in past years, with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) out of the picture, truthfully, the situation appeared to be ideal for JaPa.

Delhi’s blessings

India has always vouched for the fallen AL, which was believed to be friendlier to minorities and a party that promoted secularism, as opposed to their most prominent opponent, BNP, which has been in a long-lasting coalition with far-right parties.

Hence, in the past years, it was understandably in India's interest for Bangladesh to have an opposition party in place with a solid outlook that would seem legitimate and acceptable in the absence of BNP and others. Therefore, since 2014, JaPa -- the third largest political force -- has undoubtedly been India's best choice to doll them up for the general elections.

Readers might be able to remember that GM Quader was extremely reserved in sharing any information on his visit to Delhi, right before the last general elections. He said, “I can't say who I talked to or what I discussed,” where he came off as fearful in terms of spilling anything to the masses, which was not appreciated. 

JaPa top leaders would be lucky not to be prosecuted under the International Crimes Tribunal Act 1973, as shameless beneficiaries of the previous regime

An unpopular entity

During the last election, GM Quader was highly criticized for turning around his statement on non-participation. Had JaPa not participated, the AL leadership could have been well-branded as an autocrat. But truth be told, JaPa’s high command (against the grassroots' will) had acted selfishly, as always. It went along to win only 11 constituencies (through an arrangement) where AL candidates refrained from running. 

In the 2018 general elections, upon a coalition, JaPa received 26 seats, all of which were uncontested by the AL.

In 2014, when BNP and allies had boycotted the elections, JaPa participated on their own and won 33 seats. AL had pinned candidates in none of those seats. 

In 2008, JaPa went into coalition with AL. They placed 49 candidates out of 300 and only won the 29 seats that were not contested by AL candidates. Notably, JaPa candidates had lost their deposits in the remaining 20 seats. 

It is quite obvious from the above that JaPa, although perceived to be the third largest force, displayed extremely poor support on the part of the people, even in the election of 2008, which was widely considered fair and credible. 

Hence, the interim government need not feel pressured to sit with JaPa.

I have always been under the impression that JaPa consistently intends to secure second place, and would be content by such achievement. It simply aims to be the opposition. The minister equivalent protocol enjoyed by its chairman as the “official” leader of the opposition with a few parliament members who the then AL government would positively assist -- the luxuries these positions entail were irresistible, and the greed certainly meant more to them than the people's unpleasant perception of the party.

JaPa top leaders would be lucky not to be prosecuted under the International Crimes Tribunal Act 1973, as shameless beneficiaries of the previous regime, according to Section 2(g) of the act -- attempt, abetment, or conspiracy to commit crimes against humanity.

Even if they are capable of defending themselves on the grounds of not being abettors, the nation will not forgive them for their silence throughout the revolution. Let alone the fact that JaPa hijacked the people's right to exercise democracy over the years, the party had a moral obligation to not only strongly condemn the brutality extended towards the protestors, but also engage in by all means to use resistance. Therefore, the high command of JaPa can be directly held responsible as per Section 2(h) of the aforementioned Act, which explains how the failure to prevent the commission of crimes against humanity, is also a punishable offense. 

JaPa has given legitimacy to the past autocratic regime, and hence, since JaPa has blood on their hands. No dialogue with them, please.

 

Saquib Rahman is a political analyst and Editor of Progress Magazine. He teaches law at North South University.