A repeat of 2014 and 2018 is seemingly to follow in the upcoming national elections. After long talks for days with the ruling Awami League, Jatiyo Party has eventually come to an arrangement. Throughout, when asked by journalists, Jatiyo Party Secretary General Mujibul Haque Chunnu kept emphasizing that his party, like all others, has certain “koushol” (strategies) that are best kept secret.
Their strategy, however, eventually proved to be the same old: Coming to an understanding for the ruling Awami League to withdraw candidates from a certain number of seats, with Jatiyo Party’s sole bargaining power being that their withdrawal would leave Awami League with no parliamentary opposition.
Why not settle for a more efficient bargain? This piece analyzes where the Jatiyo party is at the moment, from a moral standpoint.
There were multiple instances in the past when the founder Chairman of the Jatiyo Party, HM Ershad, was criticized for changing his opinions and crucial party decisions overnight. In fact, he was subjected to mockery due to his alleged indecision regarding several issues of national interest. As much as adorers of the party prefer no such stain on current Chairman GM Quader’s image, according to popular opinion, he has acted no different from his brother this time.
The younger Quader has taken a last-minute U-turn -- from his statement of not accepting a “beggar’s deal” to ensuring that the Awami League competitor in his constituency Rangpur-3 withdraws from the race.
During my brief tenure at Jatiyo Party, I noticed a sharp difference of perspectives between the MPs and the activists -- the latter are unhappy being labeled as the ruling party's B-team (although it may not necessarily portray any soft corner for BNP), but interests on the part of the MPs are obvious. The party overall benefits from the influence that comes from the seats, alongside finances. Having been out of state power for more than three decades, the party is in dire need of money, and donations from businessmen would only flow in if parliamentary seats are secured.
I strongly doubt if Jatiyo Party MPs, at the moment, are at all willing to give away the luxury of their powers and benefits that their position entails. Notably, most current MPs have secured their seats with the seat-sharing arrangement (26 constituencies with no competition from the Awami League) this time again. The voice of the party activists has been expectedly ignored, like in 2014 and 2018.
Whereas the US has actively been trying to ensure that a credible Bangladesh election follows, Jatiyo Party has clearly sided with Delhi.
Some believe that all governments of India have been prioritizing their security concerns over a healthy democracy in Bangladesh. They look at Bangladesh through a bizarre set of lenses: Islamic terrorism is likely to export violence through the borders, leading to separatist movements within India.
By now, India should be able to attest to the fact that even radical political parties in Bangladesh never gained approval through anti-Hindu rhetoric, and the people of Bangladesh, in general, disapprove of communal politics.
For the above-mentioned reason, Delhi has historically supported the ruling Awami League, a party that is perceived to promote secularism. Hence, since 2014, Jatiyo Party has been India's best choice for elections as an acceptable opposition in the absence of BNP. As a polished political leader who is often praised for his honesty and transparency, it is expected that Quader comes clean. He owes an explanation to citizens as to why his action had not adhered to his words.
Had Jatiyo Party contested in all 283 constituencies without seat-sharing, they could have established themselves as a party that believes in elections and is ready to fight. Given their philosophical similarities with the BNP, they might as well have secured votes of the conservative mass, a vote bank that belongs to them and also the BNP.
However, facts suggest that all Jatiyo Party candidates (who had contested Awami League candidates) in the recent national elections had lost their deposits. Also, the total voter turnover in those elections was disappointing. Most people at the moment are saddened by Quader and the Jatiyo Party's high command, seemingly acting irresponsibly in the interests of only 26 party leaders.
There is no reason anymore to think that Jatiyo Party would ever be able to gather a degree of collective effervescence. There is no reason to believe anymore that young and educated political enthusiasts would ever be interested in working for a party that is seemingly content to remain as the B-team.
One need not be a pro-Awami League or pro-BNP citizen to frown upon Jatiyo Party's flawed “strategies.”
Advocate Saquib Rahman is a political analyst and the Editor of Progress Magazine. He teaches law at North South University and is the former international affairs secretary, Jatiyo Party.