It is a legal obligation that anyone using the party name and symbol would require the signature of Chairman GM Quader (in Jatiyo Party’s case), before validation by the Election Commission. Of course, the provision is equally applicable for Chief Patron Rowshan Ershad too, her post being ornamental according to the party constitution. It looks as though Rowshan has not submitted her nomination, creating the scope for some media to further stir on her long-standing tensions with Quader. Quader, on the other hand, has ordered that the nomination deadline be extended, with the hope that she changes her mind, resulting in a united Jatiyo Party.
At this point, it is immaterial whether the two are together, or have plans to lead two different clans of devotees under the same party banner. Rowshan has, throughout, vehemently been in favour of participating in the election. Now that Quader has decided to nail candidates in all 300 seats and more than 1,700 nomination aspirants have collected their forms as well, the drama has come to an end.
There is no iota of doubt about the fact that the ruling Awami League has achieved the confidence of what is perceived as the third-largest political party, in order to join the polls under their regime. Hence, even if Rowshan, at the moment -- for whatever reason -- abstains from participating, her party Chairman Quader has already fallen in line. I doubt if the voters who, for a brief period, might have paid attention to Quader’s bold words against the ruling party in the recent past are surprised at Quader’s ultimate decision on Jatiyo Party’s confirmed participation.
Some believe that all governments of India have been prioritizing their security concerns over a healthy democracy in Bangladesh. They look at Bangladesh through a bizarre set of lenses: Islamic terrorism is likely to export violence through the borders, leading to separatist movements within India. By now, India should be able to attest to the fact that even radical political parties in Bangladesh never gained approval through anti-Hindu rhetoric, and the people of Bangladesh, in general, do not approve of communal politics.
For the reason mentioned above, Delhi has historically been in support of the ruling Awami League, a party that is perceived to promote secularism. Hence, since 2014, Jatiyo Party was India's best choice for elections as an acceptable opposition, in the absence of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). This time, as well, is going to be no different. In fact, Quader’s words in the airport upon arriving from an invitation in Delhi, “I can't say who I talked to or what I discussed,” well portrayed that the neighbours are prepared to lend their shoulders to his party again. Therefore, his decision to participate is no surprise.
There were multiple instances in the past when the founder Chairman of Jatiyo party HM Ershad was criticized for changing his opinions and crucial party decisions overnight. Well-wishers of the party would certainly not want the same sort of stain on Quader’s image. But why does it look as though the strong words from his recently published book do not adhere to his present political move?
Quader, in his book, has brilliantly dissected the Constitution of Bangladesh in proving how the mere existence of democracy in the country is legally impossible. It is beyond any doubt that readers would highly appreciate his efforts in bringing about specific provisions of the Constitution, in elucidating on how all three organs of the government, namely the legislation, executive, and a significant portion of the judiciary, are all in the hands of the prime minister. Readers of his book would be convinced of the fact that the Constitution discourages the practice of democracy when a ruling party exists in the Parliament with an overwhelming majority.
Although Quader has rightfully mentioned that the caretaker government system in the past had failed, in an interview he expressed his willingness to share a proposed formula whenever the government might be ready. It is not surprising for anyone to wonder if Quader and his party are more inclined towards making the government happy than the voters. Why must a proposed idea of the opposition be shared with the ruling party first, whereas -- in the good spirit of democracy -- the voters might (or might not) appreciate the party's quest to present a solution during a deadlock?
But now, having presented no formula or possibilities to voters, his decision to participate in the elections is not only expected from a politician of his stature but it portrays his whole party under a negative light, whereby the party’s handful of MPs are unwilling to give away the luxury of their positions and the power and benefits such position entails. On the other hand, hundreds of others are clamouring over the possibility of walking into the Parliament, given that BNP has surely expressed their unwillingness to join the polls, and that the ruling party would again have to come to an arrangement (real or perceived) with Jatiyo Party and make it look like a weighty opposition to the rest of the world.
There is no doubt that ruling party supporters deem Jatiyo Party as the saviour of democracy at this moment. They seem to be vested with the responsibility of "protecting" the Constitution. But in doing so, Jatiyo Party is always placed in the best of situations, starting from the peculiarity of having ministers in the cabinet (as the opposition), to being the convenient and home-grown opposition which the government befriends and provides to. As a party, they would gain from MPs, financial strength, and, of course, the prestige that comes around as the official opposition. But it is high time that Quader asked himself: Do people really view Jatiyo Party as an opposition? Is there any respect in being perceived as the “B-team”? Could they not have gained public empathy had they not given into the upcoming election?
Lastly, Quader, in his book, boldly compared the current political situation to that of BaKSAL, being critical in his tone of such a one-party system. However, having made the decision to participate in the elections, he should understand that the citizens of Bangladesh would now justifiably be left with the impression that Jatiyo Party, at present, is indeed an integral part of this system that he himself was critical of.
Saquib Rahman is a senior lecturer of law at North South University and Editor of Progress magazine. He is the former international affairs secretary of Jatiyo Party.