Facing international pressure, Myanmar’s de facto leader State Counsellor Aung Sung Suu Kyi cancelled a trip to the United Nation General Assembly this week.
A crackdown by Myanmar’s army launched on August 25 has sent more than 370,000 minority Rohingya to Bangladesh.
The UN Human Rights chief said that the ongoing actions of Myanmar’s armed forces, which are believed to have intensified following the August attack, are a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.
The Rohingya crisis is not something new. It has come to the limelight yet again because of what happened on August 25. Is there a solution in sight?
In West Asia, the large number of several hundred thousands who have entered Europe are not going to be sent back.
So, whatever the solution is, it won’t be an easy task to handle. In this particular case, there is an additional problem because of the long-standing issue in Myanmar regarding the Rohingya.
I think, here, we must look more carefully at the outcome of the Kofi Annan report. After the 2015 elections in Myanmar, Aung Sung Suu Kyi had appointed former UN Secretary Kofi Annan to prepare a report on the situation.
He clearly mentioned some very important aspects.
One is the issue on citizenship for the Rohingya within Myanmar, and another is the illegal immigration issue between Myanmar and Bangladesh.
As we know, the crisis was triggered because the Myanmar Nationality Law 1982 does not include the Rohingya, and terms them as “Bengalis.” They were dropped from the population census in 2015.
The army is what controls thingsThere has been lot of criticism as far as State Counsellor Suu Kyi is concerned. But the army still controls defence, the police, home ministry, and the key portfolios in Myanmar.
Those who awarded Suu Kyi the Nobel Prize now want her to act in this humanitarian situation that has developed without fully understanding the structure of power within Myanmar.
The military has reserved a lot of power for itself within the state apparatus.
This is the humanitarian issue on which lots of people engage in a lot of rhetoric, and although Myanmar’s reputation is on the line, I don’t think much will come out from the UN Security Council
The military still held de facto control over parliament after the election in 2015.
Their 25% quota of army-appointed seats allows them to block any new laws.
This is an issue on which Aung Sung Suu Kyi had great difficulty in managing her relationship with the military, and the process of democratisation has been long and arduous.
Finally, she was able to reach a political position, but she has to handle the situation very carefully and not create a problematic situation with the armed forces.
So, frankly, whether it is Suu Kyi or anybody else, the army will stay equally powerful no matter who comes in as a state counsellor. The deep-state continues to rule Myanmar.
What about India?India, as Bangladesh’s closest neighbour as well as a regional power, should exercise its good offices to encourage Myanmar to take a position which could lead to the return of the refugees back to their own country.
As we all know, security has always been the hallmark of Dhaka’s cooperation with New Delhi. The anti-terrorist drive of Naypyidaw cannot be equated with “ethnic cleansing” which has led to the exodus of people to Bangladesh.
The mass exodus of people would create new security threats not only for Bangladesh but for the region at large. So, it is obvious that both Delhi and Dhaka should cooperate to convince Naypyidaw to take back the refugees expeditiously to their own country. On the other end of the scale, China has already made statements against any form of sanctions on Myanmar.
This is the humanitarian issue on which lots of people engage in a lot of rhetoric, and although Myanmar’s reputation is on the line, I don’t think much will come out from the UN Security Council.
Diplomacy is needed.
Talks are needed to bring the two sides together to try and prevent the situation from escalating further. Bangladesh must put China and India relations in separate boxes.
Sharif Hasan is currently working as a field researcher on behalf of Centre for Genocide Studies (CGS), University of Dhaka.