The media is agog about where the BNP stands after the indefinite blockade and three city corporation elections, and what their next plans will be. Apparently, they will now buy time to reorganise their party from top to bottom before announcing their next course of action!
Supporters of the BNP repeat the same arguments, especially in front of foreigners, telling them the same old stories and hiding their failure to participate in the last national election and their defeats in the city corporation elections. On the contrary, pro-AL groups are countering them as usual, but they seem to want to keep BNP as their main opponent for many different reasons, particularly to face religious militants. What then, does the future hold for BNP?
The general public is probably not thinking about it, especially since they have just cast their votes at the city corporation elections and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has already gotten the public’s confidence. It goes without saying that she has the capability, experience and courage to take appropriate decisions, without waiting for anybody’s advice. The same cannot be said for BNP Chairperson and former prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia. She is quite dependent on those around her.
Even when news about the sufferings human traffickers are inflicting on the poor innocent Bangladeshis crammed on boats are being widely reported in the media, the BNP chooses to completely ignore it. The government is doing its part but the opposition has responsibilities too. But in Bangladesh, the opposition lacks credibility and is only concerned about their position and power.
It is painful to see how politics has stooped so low. It was different in the 1960s when we attended Dhaka University. We did not hesitate to leave behind our comfortable lives to join the 1960s movements leading to the emergence of independent Bangladesh in 1971.
We were lead by leaders like Bhashani and Mujib and we respected them notwithstanding which student organisation we belonged to or which party we later decided to side with. We were in the then largest student organisation erstwhile EPSU and later liked the ideology of National Awami Party (NAP), which became part of the mainstream Awami League when Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared his six-point demand in 1966.
Back then student politics was not what it is today. Those were simpler times. I still remember how much more affectionate people were in those days. More democratic and vibrant too. The spirited politics of our time lost its appeal when Bangabandhu was tragically killed on August 15, 1975.
A lot of communist parties came to the political scene but were not able to exercise much influence. In this melee, under the leadership of Ziaur Rahman, a nationalist front was constituted on May 7, 1978. Its partners were Jatiyatabadi Ganotantrik Dal (Jagdal), Bhashani NAP (Moshiur), UPP, Bangladesh Muslim League, and Tafsil Federation.
After Zia became president, the front was abolished and the BNP was formed on September 1, 1978. He became chairman, and the manifesto of the party was declared by Dr AQM Badruddoza Chowdhury. Some critics said that it was no party at all, but an amalgam of opportunists. Over the years, some AL leaders also joined the BNP and Jatiya Party, which was set up by General Ershad after ousting elected President Sattar in a military coup.
This is how power mongering was introduced to the political scene and the ideologies of AL and NAP were put aside. Ershad debased the electoral process and sowed the seeds of corruption that we are still fighting today.
The political integrity of the land was then redeemed when the AL and the BNP launched a united democratic movement and Ershad was forced to step down on December 6, 1990.
But parliamentary elections held on February 27, 1991, had many limitations. It was held without updating voter lists and Ershad’s party members came back to power by winning seats through manipulating local voters and creating support in dubious ways.
The democratic period started from 1991. It was, however, interrupted by the caretaker government, which is a system that has no democratic value or basis and is unheard of in other parts of the world. It resulted in the dissolution of the parliament and hindered democratic morality and developments.
The crisis in student politics continued unabated and issues were never properly addressed. The teachers and university authorities took partisan lines and contributed little to the dynamism of campus politics.
The government allowed private universities in 1992, and they mushroomed everywhere. But unfortunately, even authorities at private universities started wearing party labels.
The BNP needs to understand the challenges we face today and they must also look at our history if they are to restructure their party well. I am sure if they leave their power hungry ways and dedicate themselves to the cause of the country, the PM will not hesitate to help them. But they will not get any support from the people if they continue with their ambitious and abhorrent ways. Bangladeshis will not tolerate it.