One year on: A reflection on the interim government

With the interim government under Nobel laureate Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus completing its first year, it is time for a sober and dispassionate assessment -- acknowledging both its accomplishments and its shortcomings.

For over four decades, I have been an ardent admirer of Dr Yunus. His towering presence on the global stage brought Bangladesh immense prestige. He was not merely a Nobel Laureate -- he became “Yunus of Bangladesh,” a symbol of hope, dignity, and innovation. He assumed office not as a politician but as a moral authority, entrusted with the enormous task of rescuing a fractured nation. He enjoyed near-total public support and entered office with sky-high expectations.

In the collective memory of our nation, only three individuals have transcended politics to capture the national imagination: Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Shahid President Ziaur Rahman Bir Uttam, and Dr Muhammad Yunus. Each left a distinct legacy. 

Bangabandhu’s tragic fall, though largely of his own making, does not diminish the reverence his name commands. President Zia’s meteoric rise reignited national confidence and pride. His assassination left behind a lasting void. President Zia’s funeral -- attended by an ocean of mourners -- remains unmatched in our history. Dr Yunus, by contrast, was catapulted to leadership as the last beacon of hope for a disillusioned population, not through political ambition but by popular demand.

Yet, high hopes often accompany harsh realities.

Governance: A fragmented start

In forming his cabinet, Dr Yunus sought to bring together diverse talents -- an admirable goal. However, the result felt less like a cohesive team and more like a loosely tossed salad. Unlike a party-led government shaped by ideological unity, this administration struggled with coordination. 

Several advisers came from NGOs or the expatriate community -- brilliant individuals, no doubt, but often detached from the ground realities of Bangladesh. The overrepresentation from a single district alienated many, and regional balance was lacking.

There was also no honeymoon period. The interim government inherited institutional decay, political sabotage, economic fragility, and relentless attacks from sections of the media. 

To make matters worse, a catastrophic flood hit southern Bangladesh, requiring a massive national mobilization, including military assistance.

Externally, India launched a calculated diplomatic, media, and political offensive against the interim government -- taking the matter even to the White House. Fortunately, their narrative failed to convince the international community, and India’s credibility suffered. Meanwhile, Sheikh Hasina -- sheltered in India -- continued to orchestrate destabilization through embedded loyalists within Bangladesh.

Strategic missteps

Among early missteps was the public introduction of Mahfuz Alam, one of the front line leaders, as the “mastermind” of the July Revolution -- made on an international stage alongside President Bill Clinton. This declaration unnecessarily overlooked the decentralized nature of the uprising and alienated many student leaders who had risked everything without following a central figure.

Equally problematic was Dr Yunus’s reference to the anti-discrimination students as his “employers.” Though well-meaning, it unintentionally undermined institutional authority. His call for people to email grievances or gather outside his residence blurred the line between participatory governance and mob pressure. Predictably, this led to a wave of protests -- some hijacked by remnants of the previous regime.

Despite military deployment, law enforcement struggled. Indiscipline, extortion, armed robbery, and even mob killings surged. There seemed to be little awareness that the interim government was born of a unique revolutionary moment -- not a typical political transition.

As a freedom fighter who lost a leg for this nation, I have immense respect for the youth who rose in July. But I cannot ignore growing incidents of extortion and unlawful behaviour by some self-declared student leaders. These actions only distract from governance and strengthen critics.

Diplomatic optics matter

One disturbing pattern has been the chief adviser’s frequent meetings with minor foreign dignitaries and junior diplomats. In my 35 years in the Foreign Service, I rarely saw heads of government interact so casually at that level. Such meetings should be handled by the Foreign Ministry. Optics matter: These encounters inadvertently project weakness and diminish the office’s stature.

Progress worth noting

Despite the criticisms, the interim government has delivered significant gains. Lawlessness is gradually subsiding. The banking and financial sectors have stabilized. Money laundering has slowed. Remittances are rising. Foreign exchange reserves are on an upward trajectory. Unnecessary mega-projects have been scrapped, saving public money, and several foreign loans have been settled. Though corruption hasn’t been eliminated, it is more exposed -- thanks in part to a freer media environment with no self-censorship.

The judiciary, Election Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission, the civil service, and the police have been purged of obstructive elements, making governance more transparent and responsive.

On the foreign policy front, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has performed admirably, defending Bangladesh’s autonomy and countering hostile propaganda. Relations with traditional allies and development partners, including the UN and international organizations, have improved. The country’s credibility has grown.

To attract investment, the interim government has organized high-profile conferences promoting Bangladesh’s potential -- emphasizing security, profitability, and ease of doing business. The initiative to modernize the Chittagong port is an admirable step to develop our export and import transport facilities.

Trade diplomacy triumph

Incidentally -- or perhaps fatefully -- as the nation prepared to commemorate the July Revolution, President Trump announced a sweeping 35% tariff on all imports into the United States, including from Bangladesh. In response, a team of seasoned negotiators successfully reduced the tariff to 20% before the July 31 deadline -- outperforming many traditional US partners. This was a remarkable diplomatic victory and, symbolically, a tribute to the martyrs of July.

The July Charter: A foundational moment

On August 5, the interim government declared the July Charter, a historic milestone that echoed the spirit of the revolution. The announcement coincided with the disgraceful flight of Sheikh Hasina -- marking the definitive end of her 16-year kleptocratic rule. Though in absentia, she now faces justice, along with her partners in crime - under custody in the country or absconding abroad. This is a fulfilment of one of the assurances.

The Charter enshrines constitutional safeguards to prevent future dictators from distorting the nation’s foundation. It lays the groundwork for an inclusive, rights-based society -- guaranteeing equal opportunity, dignity, and protection for all citizens, regardless of background.

Time is running out

Dr Yunus’s gentle, dialogue-driven temperament -- so effective in development -- can be a liability in politics. Decency is too often mistaken for indecision. Public enthusiasm seems to be waning . Whispers of disillusionment echo across media and daily conversations.

Yet this is not a call for abandonment, nor a rejection of his moral leadership. Instead, it is a call for urgent, focused action. The time for a long term policy vision is over . Now is the time for realism.

A ten-point urgent action plan

1. Enforce zero tolerance for mob justice -- restore the sanctity of the rule of law.
2. Reinstate law and order -- empower police, judiciary, and military within constitutional bounds.
3. Direct the Election Commission to prepare for credible elections by February.
4. Build on momentum -- major parties and smaller groups have accepted two-thirds of the Reform Commission’s proposals (as noted by Dr Ali Riaz).
5. If elections become untenable, explore a national referendum as a democratic alternative.
6. Structure the referendum to eliminate parties polling below 5% from forming coalitions -- international best practice.
7. Post-referendum, the Advisory Council will, upon nomination from the respective political parties , constitute a cabinet of not more than members, proportionate to vote share, to form a national unity government.
8. Upon formation of that government, the interim government shall dissolve.
9. The unity government will serve for five years, completing transitional reforms and preparing the country for long-term stability.
10. Launch a national dialogue on governance reform -- to build a resilient, inclusive political system beyond party interests.

There should be a certain role for the members of the armed forces as a safeguard for the government's stability. Many countries follow this practice.

We are resilient people. We earned independence through unimaginable sacrifice, and we have endured natural calamities that would devastate most nations. That latent strength remains within us -- untapped but alive.

Now is the time to exorcise the rot from within.

Dr Yunus still has the moral authority to lead that change. But time is slipping fast.

Let him act -- not for himself, but for the nation he vowed to rescue, and for generations yet to come.

Ashraf ud Doula is a freedom fighter, a former Secretary, and Ambassador of Bangladesh.