There is a robust and exciting conversation taking place in Bangladesh about the kind of society people want and how we will get there. That conversation is likely to be messy and non-linear. However, as Bangladesh deliberates on its future(s), the pro-rights advocates need to be clear that ours should not be a neoliberal project of majoritarian nation-building or state consolidation.
Minorities are in a vulnerable position in any country -- this is undeniable and is true for Bangladesh as well, but this cannot be normalized nor should it be accepted as the status quo. Religious, ethnic, linguistic, sexual and other minorities have always been at risk but may feel especially vulnerable during a critical nation building period such as the one we are experiencing in Bangladesh.
It is particularly important that we create an environment where no one feels afraid to speak out against the violence and exclusion they are experiencing because they might be targeted as anti-national or tagged as an enemy “undermining the image of the country.”
For far too long, the elites in Bangladesh and external powers have sought to characterize the complex relationship between majority and minority communities along political lines for self-serving interests.
The common narrative that minority communities, particularly Hindus, align with or are only safe under the rule of Awami league is one of the dominant tropes that was and continues to be mobilized by many to rationalize support for the deposed authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina. These assertions are easily dislodged as one looks at the number of attacks on minority communities during the last 15 years of Awami League’s rule.
On the other hand, anti-Awami league forces have been quick to describe the attacks on minorities, specifically Hindu communities or individuals, as being politically motivated due to their connections to the deposed authoritarian regime(as opposed to being religiously motivated).
Ours should not be a neoliberal project of majoritarian nation-building or state consolidation
The discounting of these attacks as not being systemic or fueled by communal tensions is widely accepted in Bangladesh as a legitimate response to India’s fear-mongering tactics and scrutiny of increasing influence of Islamic political forces in Bangladesh.
This has been supplemented by fervent denials, and even assertions by some in and associated with the interim government of Bangladesh that all allegations of targeted violence against minority communities are wholly untrue and the situation for minorities have never been better.
The reality is that minority communities in Bangladesh have always been at the mercy of majoritarian forces and their rights and lives continue to be scapegoated by both internal and external actors.
While most minority communities in Bangladesh have not challenged the sovereignty of the country, it is undeniable that many disadvantaged communities across Bangladesh have been rendered defenseless against the whims and injustices of elites and majorities. They have often had to seek refuge and forge alliances with regimes that were happy to use “minority washing” as a foreign policy tool to legitimize gross abuse of power.
Most minority communities in Bangladesh certainly do not look to India as a saviour. They are painfully aware of the deprivations and vilification faced by those that seek refuge in India. India’s selective outrage over rights violations of Hindus in Bangladesh, to advance their own hegemonic ambitions and informed by their geo-strategic and economic concerns, undermine progress on minority rights in Bangladesh as India often likes to position Hindus as not truly belonging in Bangladesh.
The sincerity of the Indian government’s concerns about the welfare of minorities, particularly Hindus, beyond its borders is subject to debate as large sections of Indian political elites and media routinely characterize Bangladeshis as infiltrators and actively promote hate and violence against ethnic and religious minorities in India.
The discriminatory and divisive policies in India have not only led to increased violence against minorities across India but have contributed towards a pervasive environment of fear and anger across the region.
We need to do a lot more work to reverse the adverse impact of state-sanctioned communal violence in the region and debunk the myth that India is the cultural homeland for Hindus of Bangladesh or for that matter, for Hindus or minority communities from anywhere.
With India not foremost in our minds, we must seek to answer the following question with utmost urgency: What can we do when minority and disadvantaged communities experience oppression and injustice in Bangladesh?
These assertions are easily dislodged as one looks at the number of attacks on minority communities during the last 15 years of Awami League’s rule
First, we should stop denying that it is happening. The politics in Bangladesh have been fueled by intolerance over generations and in a rights starved environment, we have been socially conditioned to question each other’s rootedness and belonging. Therefore, we must take special care to ensure minority communities in Bangladesh do not feel trapped within assimilationist policies inherent in elite civic conceptions of nationhood, and that they are co-shaping our collective future.
Second, we must concretely reassure communities across Bangladesh that perpetrators of violence will be held accountable. The interim government is already making a special effort to reach out to religious minorities with assurances of inclusion and protection and this needs to be uplifted and supported.
However, similar assurances need to be provided to other minorities including ethnic and gender diverse communities. The government should also urgently consider strengthening the mandate of the national human rights commission and swiftly mobilize commissions of inquiry and action when minorities or disadvantaged communities are attacked or feel particularly vulnerable to ensure their freedoms, liberties, health, livelihoods, and lives are not at risk.
Third, the interim government's leadership also needs to be more diverse especially to represent the diversity of views and experiences in society. The lack of women’s representation, for example, in the interim government’s leadership is extremely problematic.
Fourth, the present and future governments of Bangladesh need to take their commitment to human rights values seriously and ensure reforms are informed by human rights considerations. The chief advisor can appoint a special envoy for human rights in his office with a special mandate to advance human rights based reform efforts domestically and advocacy efforts and partnerships globally -- signalling that human rights are as critical as economic reforms to this administration and our vision for change.
Finally, the foreign policy goals and bilateral and multilateral engagement led by the representatives of a reimagined polity in Bangladesh -- whose aspirations are rooted in human rights, justice, and equality -- must be different to dominant practices of transactional diplomacy that are state-centric and seek to protect and advance elite interests.
Our new ideological convictions demand revisiting our foreign policy goals, of not only asserting our sovereignty but also advocating for a dignified future for all within and beyond our national boundaries.
As the newly elected Vice President of the Human Rights Council, we should use the mandate of the Human Rights Council to advance human rights for all and discontinue with the majoritarian politics of denial.
Most minority communities in Bangladesh certainly do not look to India as a saviour
Our posturing and messaging should not only be about “fixing the international image” of the nation-state that we belong to, relying on traditional denial defense mechanisms when violations in our country are reported. While others practice selective outrage that is deeply exclusionary, we can be more powerful and legitimate advocates for democracy and human rights by meaningfully responding to those who are marginalized and address historical and ongoing injustices with greater empathy and care.
Human rights crises cannot be solved by governments acting alone or through legal protections only. We need to also foster greater solidarity and invest in cultural consensus building, but that can only happen if we are open to scrutiny, introspection and healing of deep social and political cleavages in our societies.
The people of Bangladesh are striving to ensure a pluralist and democratic society -- any call for a just society should be welcome regardless of where it is coming from, even if it is from a neighbour with imperial and less than noble intentions. However, as a good neighbour, we should follow up on their perceived interest in human rights with a louder call to action to improve the situation of minority and disadvantaged communities across the region and globally.
Instead of depleting our energy by vehemently denying that minority communities are at risk of violence and exclusion in Bangladesh, we could welcome India’s interest in minority rights as an opportunity to invite India to learn and do more to advance rights of vulnerable populations in India and regionally.
We can also perhaps invite them to join a regional effort focused on strengthening protections for minority, disadvantaged and border communities across the region. This would enable us to have a healthy conversation about an inclusive and just future for all in the region.
The people of Bangladesh have embarked on an extraordinary journey to achieve something beyond a mere regime change. This journey needs to be marked by remarkable intergenerational mobilization of ordinary people -- who not only stood up to an authoritarian regime for individual freedoms -- but are also striving to ensure a socially just and equitable political future for all.
Sumaiya Islam is a global expert on Human Rights and Democracy and can be reached at sumaiya_islam@yahoo.com.