The sweeping victory of Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, in the recently concluded Dhaka University and Jahangirnagar University Central Student Union elections has left some people astonished, others delighted, and many concerned or anxious.
The surprise is understandable -- until recently, this student group struggled to even establish its presence on campus, and its parent political party had been expelled from national politics. Such a dramatic win is, indeed, remarkable.
Some are celebrating (even beyond the party’s supporters) because, after decades, the dominance of two major student groups in Dhaka University’s central union has finally ended. Although one of these groups was recently ousted along with its affiliated ruling party, many students still remember their past muscle power.
Even if they haven’t re-emerged, the memory of their influence lingers -- and students who don’t want such groups in leadership are also pleased with the change.
So, who are the ones feeling anxious or concerned?
The primary reason is that Chhatra Shibir is the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami (although they did not contest the Dhaka University elections under that name). Jamaat’s role in Bangladesh’s Liberation War is deeply controversial. In 1971, their position wasn’t just anti-liberation -- they actively supported Pakistan’s military regime.
Their leaders spoke in favour of Pakistan both domestically and internationally. Historical records show that they helped form voluntary forces (Razakar, Al-Badr, Al-Shams) that assisted the Pakistani army in mass atrocities against Bengalis.
Given this background, it was natural for an independent-minded Bangladesh to exclude Jamaat from its political landscape. For at least the first few years after independence, Jamaat and its leaders were barred from political activity.
But the political landscape began to shift after the sudden assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 and subsequent military coups. General Ziaur Rahman emerged as a key figure, bringing sweeping political changes. One of his major moves was to cast a wide net in forming a new party, inviting people from all ideological backgrounds.
Although Zia himself was a freedom fighter, he included individuals who had opposed the Liberation War -- most notably Shah Azizur Rahman of the Muslim League, who had defended Pakistan at the UN in October 1971. Zia made him prime minister in 1979.
While Zia did not officially reinstate Jamaat into politics, he allowed its unofficial leader, Ghulam Azam, to return to Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1980. From then on, Jamaat was informally rehabilitated. Not only did the party regain strength, but its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, was also revived.
So, those surprised by Shibir’s recent victory at Dhaka University should remember -- it wasn’t overnight. It’s the result of four decades of effort. Those celebrating this win aren’t just Jamaat supporters; many are pleased to see a fundamental shift in student politics at the university. This momentum has now extended to Jahangirnagar University, where Shibir-backed candidates also won the student union elections.
But does this unexpected success in two prestigious universities signal a broader impact on national elections? Has Jamaat, despite being outside mainstream politics for so long, managed to influence public sentiment enough to become a viable alternative to major parties?
Those who are concerned about Shibir’s victory may see these student elections as a warning sign. Let’s examine how justified that concern is.
As mentioned earlier, Jamaat’s resurgence began in 1979 with Ghulam Azam’s return. Although Jamaat officially suspended political activities in Bangladesh from 1972, its organizational work continued quietly across districts and sub-districts through volunteer efforts.
In 1979, they were active in Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, providing medical aid. They also responded to natural disasters across the country. Politically inactive, they remained socially engaged -- and used this time to expand their membership, recruiting students into their ranks. I personally witnessed their presence at Chittagong University, even before Jamaat was officially recognized as a political party.
Most notably, Jamaat earned a reputation as a disciplined, law-abiding organization on campus -- something that rival groups like Chhatra League or the newly formed Chhatra Dal lacked. This is worth noting because Shibir’s current success at Dhaka and Jahangirnagar has historical roots.
Now, will Shibir’s student union victories translate into Jamaat’s success in national elections?
To answer that, we must look at Jamaat’s historical performance in East Pakistan and Bangladesh. As a political party, Jamaat struggled during the East Pakistan era. Their anti-independence stance in 1971 created widespread public hostility. Ghulam Azam led the party as a distinct entity, allowing it to participate in political movements and occasionally align with major parties like Awami League or BNP -- especially during the anti-Ershad movement in the late 1980s.
This alliance bore fruit after Ershad’s fall, when Jamaat joined forces with BNP in the general elections and won 18 seats, forming a coalition government. That was Jamaat’s real political breakthrough, though it didn’t last. When Awami League returned to power, they initially took no harsh action against Jamaat. But once Sheikh Hasina regained power, she labelled Jamaat as an anti-liberation force and moved to eliminate them from politics. Several top leaders, including Ghulam Azam, were tried in the International Crimes Tribunal and sentenced to death or life imprisonment. The period from 2009 to 2024 under Sheikh Hasina was a dark chapter for Jamaat.
Despite being banned from politics and having their registration revoked, Jamaat continued working quietly. They infiltrated rival student groups like Chhatra League and Chhatra Dal, building influence through collaboration. The results of that strategy are now visible.
But can Shibir’s identity help Jamaat win national elections?
Major electoral victories depend on a party’s leadership, credibility, and governance experience. Jamaat remains largely untested in this regard. Though some of their leaders served as ministers three decades ago, none are alive today. Winning a national election based solely on religious ideals and perceived integrity is difficult. Triumphing in a university student union is one thing; winning a majority of 300 parliamentary seats is another.
Therefore, projecting student union success onto national elections may be overly optimistic.
Experts believe that while Jamaat is well-organized and disciplined, it is also a battle-hardened political entity. Its leadership is responsible and strategic. The Bangladeshi public, despite grand rhetoric, knows how to choose its leaders. They understand that national elections are not student union contests.
Thus, experts predict that Jamaat may perform well in the upcoming elections due to its transparency or religious appeal -- but it will not secure a majority. Instead, Jamaat may emerge as a strong parliamentary force. They may choose not to join a coalition government but could pressure the ruling party to ensure good governance. The party will likely position itself to gain a future majority and realize its vision of an ideal state.
In short, Jamaat-e-Islami could win a significant number of seats (30–40) in the next election, potentially reshaping Bangladesh’s political landscape.
Ziauddin Choudhury has worked in the higher civil service of Bangladesh early in his career, and later for the World Bank in the US.
